
Class F 357 
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C RISIS: 



ORIGIN 



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CONSEQUENCES OF OUR POLITICAL DISSENSIONS, 

TO WHICH IS ANXKXF.D, 

tlifi late treaty between the united states and 
Great Britain. 



BY A CITIZEN OF VERMONT, 



The greatest evils are not arrived at their utmost period until those who 
are in power have lost all sense of shame. At such a time those who 
should obey shake off all respect and subordination. Then is lethargic 
indolence roused, but roused by convulsions, 

Cabjunai, de Retz. 

What can be done to save the Republic ? Tune that sooths all other suffer- 
ings will bring us no relief if we neglect or throw away tins means in our 
hands. What are they ? Truth and Argument. They are feeble means : 
feeble indeed, against prejudice and passion ; yet they are all we have awd 
we must trv them. They will be jury-masts if we are ship-wrecked. 

FisHan. Ajues, 



ALBANY.- 
PRINTED BY E, & E. HOSFORD 



1815. 

\Cofxy right secured.] 



ft?*** 






■ 



PREFACE. 



For twenty-five years the spirit of party has raged in this country, to 
tiie disturbance of its peace, the ruin of its interest, and the dishonor of 
its name. 

The new actors in the political drama, and they are the principal or at 
least the most active ones, seem to have taken it for granted, that the quar. 
rel among 1 the leaders was well begun, and it is their duty to fight on, un* 
til the triumphs of party are consummated. 

Since the commencement of the present war, experience has taught us 
1 hat in times of great and common danger no measure can succeed, with- 
out more union among the people : and that will never happen unless the 
people wijl impartially review their political conduct, and re-examine the 
grounds of their political prejudices. 

Unless these can be removed, the Author of the ensuing pages has long 
believed they will eventually lead to civil war and the ruin of liberty. 

This to him is a sufficient apology, for an attempt at this time, to leave 
for a moment, the contest about measures, and to call back the attention 
of his fellow-citizens from the commotions and ruins which surround them, 
to the first causes of their political prejudices : to enquire who it was that 
enkindled the -flames of civil discord among us, and why we are a divided 
people. 



THE CRISIS. 

WRITTEN TOWARD THE CLOSE OF THE LATE WAT* 

Courage may purchase liberty, 

But wisdom and virtue must perpetuate its duration. 



To the People of the United States. 

FaiESBS ami Felw»w Citizens, 

THERE are certain periods in the course of human events, 
when the affairs ol civil government excite an extraordinary inte- 
rest in the public mind. 

Such a period has commenced. And in a free republic like 
ours, when a blind confidence in rulers could never be a virtue, it 
■would at the present time be criminal. 

When the public wealth is wasting, and its credit sinking in 
the dust ; when the horrors of a ruinous and hopeless war are 
spreading around us devastation and misery ; shall we, whose an- 
cestors have purchased for us our liberties at the expense of their 
blood and treasure, amidst the thunders of contending nations, 
shall we their descendants stand still, and in stupid silence see 
the mighty fabric of our freedom trembling to its base, without 
one bold and manly effort to avert its ruin ? 

We believe still, that among our unalienable rights are those 
of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; and to secure these 
rights and for this purpose only, governments arc instituted among 
men. In 1774 we remonstrated against the administration of the 
British government because as we believed, it became destruc- 
tive of thesn great ends of its institution. And to provide lor cur- 
selves a constitution which should secure to us a remedy against 
the abuse of power, we appealed to arms, and after a conflict of 
eight long years, we victoriously triumphed. 

This mighty revolution was effected, this dreadful sacrifice of 
Wood and treasure was suffused, to secure to the people of the 
United States the right of changing the councils of the nation, 
jYhenever their interests or happiness should require it. 



But wc have as \ct only learned from ibis event that oppressed 
man possesses the power of becoming free : that a bold and har- 
dy race like that which achieved our independence, may by a long 
scries of abuses and usurpations, be roused from the lethargy of 
oppr- ■■ssion, shake off their fetters, fly to arj^s, destroy their op- 
pressors* and rise to liberty and to glory. But to perpetuate the 
blessings of liberty, the wisdom and the efforts of man have hi- 
iherto been exhausted in vain. 

Although wc have seen the long and dismal train of fallen re- 
publics pass in awful review before us and consigned to the 
wretched dominion of despotic power; we yet indulge the hope 
that a constitution written on paper, will preserve our liberties 
entire:, amidst the conflicts of contending factions, of passion, of 
vice and error ! Vain and delusive hope. Man by his courage 
and physical power may acquire liberty, but wisdom and virtue 
must render its duration perpetual. 

Hut if the seeds of dissolution are implanted in the constitution 
of our republic, and death must be its fate, it is a duty which we 
owe to the memory of our illustrious fathers and heroes, who 
purchased it for us with their blood, which we owe to ourselves, 
our country and posterity, to strain every nerve, exhaust the last 
Dower of intellect, and if necessary to surrender even life itself, 
to protract its dying nature, and from its expiring convulsions 
snatch the spirit of liberty, and render its reign on earth immortal . 
The boasted liberties of Greece and Rome could not survive the 
conflicts of contending faction ; they have perished, and whatever 
remained of the spirit of real liberty in modern Europe, has found 
an asylum only in the United States. 

In the political as well as the natural or moral world, the prin- 
riple that like causes will produce like effects, is equally impor- 
tant and true. And the history of republics has taught us, that, 
such a state of things as now exists, has always preceded, and 
been as it were, the precursor of their ruin : And in every age and 
nation in which rational liberty has existed and been lost, they 
have proved ihc tocsin of civil war, its final catastrophe. 

Men who afc burn, and educated in the same common country, 
da not fall to killing each other without some powerful pretext. 
V quarrel must precede; strong prejudices must be excited , 
the angry ^nant pat * be put in motion, to 



prepare men to commence the business of robbery, devastation 
and murder. 

These passions and prejudices have already been engendered 
in the conflicts of party dissensions, and have so increased in mag- 
nitude and in virulence, that their influence seems to bid defiance 
to the dominion of reason. Cool and dispassionate disquisitions 
have given place to the asperity and malignity of party zeal : the 
Interest and glory of our country are absorbed in the views of pri- 
vate ambition : a spirit of hatred, of malice and revenge has ar- 
rayed every man against his fellow : the discordant murmur of 
the multitude swells in every breeze, and like the terrific sound 
which precedes the earthquake, admonishes us of an approaching 
convulsion ; The last republic on earth is divided against itself 
and tremble* to its fall I 

And is there no remedy? Or has the history of fallen repub- 
lics been recorded for us in vain ? Have the evils which surround 
us, resulted from an imperious and inevitable necessity ? Many 
of you my fellow citizens, well remember that happy period of 
our history, when all hearts were united in the choice of the first 
chief magistrate, who presided in the councils of the republic. 

The first organization of our government was hailed by all 
classes of our citizens, as the triumphant morning of a millennial 
day ; never was there a more perfect union of sentiment exhibited 
on earth, than by the freemen of the United States, in the year 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, in the choice of 
their rulers. And never did the legislators of a free people com 
mand.mOre confidence from their constituents, than those who at 
that time, administered the government. But only twenty-five 
years have passed away, and how changed is the scene ; how por- 
tentous the prospect before us! All confidence in our rulers 
lost, all confidence in each other. No union among our citizens., 
except in the belief of this one solemn truth, that our disunion 
will soon put an end to our liberties. - 

Those party dissensions which palsy the arm of government, 
overwhelm the wisdom and defeat the councils of the republic, 
have had their origin. The present distracted state of things, 
has evidently been produced by a certain chain of events, which 
can as easily be traced to their original cause, as our rivers to 
■heir source ; and it is just as abswd, to think of changing it lb* 



the better without removing that cause, as to stop the flowing of 
the stream while its source remains. 

It is not necessary to consult the oracles of inspiration for proof 
of this important truth, that a house divided against itself cannof 
stand : or that this maxim is equally applicable to a political 
state, as to a more domestic compact. Experience that unerring 
precept has taught us, that the influence of party spirit has been 
the principal cause of our present national calamities; and this it 
is which presents an awful barrier in the way of that relief, which 
not only our present necessities, but the very existence of our re* 
publican institutions imperiously demand. 

The present war which has brought on our defenceless frontiers 
on every side, an invading and powerful foe, calls for the united 
energies of every ciass of citizens. To have insured to us a suc- 
cessful and glorious termination of the present contest, the whole- 
spirit of the republic should have been wrought up to a degree of 
enthusiasm and ardor in support of the cause. 

In a free state where every thing depends on the dispositions of 
the people ; measures of great and awful magnitude like that oi 
war, which is to put at hazard, life, liberty, and property, should 
correspond with the views, and wishes of the people. 

With a frontier on the shores of the Atlantic, of more than 
fourteen hundred miles, exposed to an enemy who had at her com- 
mand a thousand ships, completely manned and fitted for hostile 
operations, with about tho same extent of territory on the west 
ind north, bordering on numerous nations of the savage and mer- 
ciless tribes, who might easily be engaged in the contest against 
us ; and with a population of only about seven millions, thinly scat- 
tered over an immense territory, without a navy, without fortifi- 
catipns, without disciplined troops; under such circumstances, to 
declare war without an assurance that the people would unite 
heart and hand in support of the cause, must be worse than stu- 
pidity, it must be folly and madness in the extreme. 

And had the authors of the present war this assurance ? No a 
fellow-citizens, you well know they had not. No sooner was it 
known that war was declared against Great -Britain, than one gc 
neral expression of disapprobation and of anxious solicitude foi 
:.hc event, pervaded all classes. 

Tu a free republic which has virtue for its base, and the reqerai 



happiness for its supreme object, the people uninfluenced by pas- 
sion or prejudice, will never believe it to be wise or expedient, 
to make war, even when the cause would justify resistance, un- 
less there is at least some ground to hope that the injured nation 
will be able thereby to redress her wrongs. The idea that the 
conquest of Canada, could it be effected, would compel Great-Bri- 
tain to yield to our claims on the ocean, is too ridiculous to ad- 
mit of any consideration : and no one who had much knowledge 
of her political state, believed she would give up the right she 
claimed to impress her native seamen when found in neutral 
ships, to any one except her conquerors ; and to become her con- 
querors the people had neither a disposition, nor confidence in 
their power. 

The rulers of a free people would never hazard their populari- 
ty, by disregarding the great and fundamental maxims of their go- 
vernment, while they believed that cool and unprejudiced reason 
•was predominant in the public mind. 

But have we not reason to fear that happy period of our exis- 
tence is passed, never to return. 

" In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to 
public opinion, it should be enlightened." But when I ask were 
the people enlightened, when consulted, when were they called 
upon to deliberate seriously upon the expediency of making war 
on the British nation, for the purpose of compelling her to yield 
her right of impressment. Never until war was resolved upon s 
was it pretended that in the year 1812, this cause would justify 
resistance ; or even if it would, that it was wise or expedient to 
declare war at that time. The British Orders in Council were 
equally with the French Milan and Berlin Decrees, considered 
by the people as the only causes which could justify resistance. 
These obnoxious Orders and Decrees it was believed were intend- 
ed by the two great belligerents of Europe to annoy each other, 
father than to be aimed at our neutral commerce. 

When it was known in this country that the obnoxious Decrees 
of France were repealed, the people believed, they had good rea- 
son to believe, that the British Orders in Council would soon be 
revoked. When, therefore, the administration had recommended 
an immediate appeal to arms, and the .federalists then in Cenr 

B 



gresh, saw the ton out of calamities about to burst upon the coun- 
try, they warned, they in treated them to delay, even for a few 
clays, until despatches from Great-Britain could arrive, which 
Blight announce the revocation of the Orders in Council; and if 
war was inevitable, they urged them to delay a measure of such 
awful magnitude, until the country could be better prepared to 
meet the event But in vain ; the war was proclaimed, contrary 
to the views and wishes of the people, not of that class only who 
arc called federalists, but the great body of freemen, v/ho have to 
hazard their lives and property in the contest. 

Before Great-Britain could have any knowledge of this event, 
and within eight days after it happened, her Orders in Council 
were revoked, and that as soon as she had knowledge of the re 
peal of the Milan and Berlin decrees. This was an event which 
our rulers must have anticipated. No sooner had a knowledge 
of the revocation of the Orders in Council reached this country., 
than the people expected an armistice, and an immediate end pur 
to hostilities. They did not believe the administration were se- 
riously resolved on a war at that time, to compel the British to 
yield their right of impressment, as they well remembered that 
Mr. Monroe, who Mr. Madison had employed to settle that bu- 
siness, had declared that the propositions made by the British 
commission, and the explanation which accompanied it, was both 
honorable and advantageous to the United States : and that it 
contained a concession in their favour on the part of Great-Bri- 
tain, on the great principle in contestation, never before made 
by a formal and obligatory act of their government, which was 
highly favorable to their interests. Therefore, with respect to 
that the people did not believe all hope of settlement by treaty 
had failed, notwithstanding what Mr. Madison had said to the con- 
trary. 

The public opinion had not been enlightened on any subject 
relative to the causes of the war, except the Orders in Council, 
so far as to induce the people to indulge for a moment a confi- 
dence, that any other cause existed at that time which could jus- 
tify offensive hostilities. But their expectations were disappoint- 
ed. No armistice was to take place, none was ever contemplated 
by our rulers, nut only by the honest freemen wjjp wished for it, 
who wished for peace. 



n 

This hopeless and ruinous war must go on; a war which lias 
already driven from our defenceless frontiers the helpless and 
peaceable inhabitants; which has laid in ruins our flourishing 
towns and villages, which has filled our land with widows and or- 
phans, with suffering, with sorrow, and with tears ; and which has 
already entailed on posterity, a debt, which will inflict on genera- 
tions yet unborn, years of toil and of pain. And after all this, our 
administration will be forced to accept of a disgraceful peace, if 
they can get any. 

1 am sensible there is a large class of citizens among us, on 
whom argument would be lost ; who would shut their eyes against 
the light, and their ears to truth ; who would rather see the last 
vestige of republican liberty in ruin, than see their leaders forced 
to resign the power which they have abused ; in whose breasts the 
interests and the love of party has extinguished every glow of 
patriotism : To such men I do not appeal ; but to those who 
would yet, to the paltry views of party, prefer the durable inte- 
rests and glory of their country ; to them I appeal, and to their 
candid and serious consideration I submit — whether the present 
war, and the ruinous nolicy which has led to it, has not been pro- 
duced by councils founded in corruption and error. 

On the nineteenth day of June IS 12, could the voice of the peo- 
ple been heard in the capitol, would it not have thundered its so- 
lemn veto on the proceedings of that awful day ? Could they for a 
moment have exercised the powers of legislation, would they not 
have indignantly annulled an act, engendered in the Court of St. 
Cloud, and recorded in letters of blood ? 

It is not necessary for me at this time to present to your vision 
all that formidable array of evils, which arc fast gathering around 
us, and which have evidently been produced by the weak and cor- 
rupt policy of the last fourteen years, to convince you that the 
councils of the nation ought to be changed. The fact is acknow- 
ledged : not by the authors of this policy : not by those who have, 
or who expect to derive emoluments from their agency in the 
present administration : but by the honest freemen, who hold no 
office under the administration, and who expect none. They with 
the frankness and sincerity becoming republicans, who wish to 
perpetuate the duration of their liberties, they now declare they 



believe \\,c present policy must be chained, Lo uvc bom 
the interests and the glory of our republic. 

But these good and honest citizens, have not as yet discovered 
the means by which this all important change can be effected. 

They have hoped, and hoped in vain, that the men or the friends 
and advocates of these very men, who have produced the present 
state of things will change it for the better. 

A strange fatality seems always to have marked the course cf 
republics, Event:; happen, " and we are astonished, as if they 
were miracles." One would suppose that our citizens had alrea- 
dy lost sight of the great object of our republican institutions. 

Recollect for a moment what were your sentiments respecting 
a remedy for national calamities fourteen years ago. You then 
held it as a principle that power long exercised had a corrupting 
influence on the conduct of rulers : that whenever through cor- 
ruption or error an administration had adopted a system of policy 
destructive to the interests of the nation, it was expedient to 
change that administration, by placing it in the hands of others, 
not of those who had advocated and supported such destructive 
policy, but of those who had opposed and condemned it. You 
then prolessed to believe that in a republic like ours, the admin* 
istration should have no views, no object or no interests opposed 
to the views and wishes of the people. And you professed to 
believe, whether you had or had not grounds for your belief, that 
the federal administration had produced evils to remedy which a 
change was necessary. You called on your friends and fellow- 
citizens to aid you in effecting a change of rulers by their suffra- 
ges : they gave you their aid. Thousands at that time sacredly 
pledged themselves that they had nothing in view at that time, in 
wishing for a change of rulers, but the interests and glory of their 
country. That whenever they found themselves disappointed in 
the result of new measures, they would aid in restoring the pow- 
er of the former administration. 

And your new measures have now been tried for more than four- 
teen years, and beyond all endurance. 

And now you ask what can be done to save the republic. 

The united energies and the whole resources of the countvy 
:.\re put in requisition, and we are a divided people. One pulls 



13 

this way and another that: the wheels of government roll heavily 
on and our enemies triumph. 

You fellow-citizens who arc advocates for the present policy, 
until very lately professed to believe that an opposition to the 
measures of the majority had a salutary effect on the administra- 
tion: that it tended to keep alive the spirit of liberty, and awaken 
the people to a sense of the dangerous encroachments of abused 
power. Had the leaders of the party in power opposed measures 
only, you might at this time have gloried in the privileges of an 
elective government, and would long before this, have arrested 
the progress of those evils which haye brought us to the present 
alarming crisis. 

But their opposition was not confined to measures. Federalists 
have been proscribed, and denounced, as dangerous men, ene- 
mies to our republican constitution, tories and British partizans, 
unworthy the confidence of a free people. And this accusation 
has been repeated so many millions of times that many of the 
honest electors really believe it must be true. They tell you 
that it is in vain to question the truth of what has been believed 
for twenty-five years. 

It is indeed a lamentable fact, that so many of our best citizens 
should after fighting and suffering eight years to establish an elec- 
tive government, wish to erect on its ruins an hereditary monar- 
chy : but our good republican rulers tell us, it is so, and we can- 
not doubt the truth of it. 

In those countries where the structure and administration of 
the government is based on the ignorance and abject condition of 
the people, it is not strange that the arts of deception and false- 
hood should prevail against reason and common sense : but that 
a majority of the enlightened citizens of the United States, should 
fall the victims of the most absurd and fatal delusion, in the very 
infancy of that republic which their wisdom, their virtue and he- 
roic deeds had but just achieved, is one of those political phe- 
nomenons, which prejudice alone can divest oi mystery. One 
would suppose that many of our citizens had utterly despaired of 
saving the republic, ^en^, seeing the road to ruin inevitable, had 
resolved to shut their eyes against the light of truth, thinking that 
like asses they can travel " best in dangerous roads with blinder 

Jin »» 

en. 



u 

For I aV»; what evils may not the leaders of the party in pow- 
er ii.flict with impunity, so long as they assume the name of 
republican ? Notwithstanding they have seen Napoleon under 
that assumed name enslave and oppress thirty millions of delu- 
ded Frenchmen, and on the ruins of liberty, erect a despotism 
so horrid and so stupendous, that nothing but the conflagration 
of Moscow could stop its progress to the ruins of a world ! 

Yet in the United States this word, republican has acquired a 
magic, a resistless, charm. One who assumes that appellation 
attaches to his character, all those admirable qualities, which 
constitute the pure patriot, the exclusive friend of an elective 
government, and the rights of man. While the man who has 
the misfortune to be called a federalist, is not only proscribed 
as a tory and dangerous citizen, but becomes thereby absolute- 
ly disfranchised. For as it respects the evils which may result 
to society or individuals, by excluding from office a large por- 
tion of our most respectable citizens, it is the same whether 
they are excluded through the influence of fraud and delusion> 
power of the constitution. 
When during the French revolution, the deluded citizens of 
t.hr.t devoted c-'iuitry, believed there was no way to regain their 
" long lost liberties," but by cutting off the heads of their best 
ens, the error proved as fatal to the poor victims of the 
5x1ill.ji.inc, and to the liberties of those who escaped it, as though 
they had suffered by virtue of authority derived from a consti- 
tution of civil government. When prejudice becomes deep 
in an entire ascendency over the mind, it has 
a law upon the conduct and becomes even a more 
..} of action. For men are sometimes disposed to 
■viob -vv, and .. can with impunity, will do it : 

disposed to act against their invete- 

ices. 

! 'cctive govcmmciit such prejudices have armed 

itizens against the other, and all confidence in 

each ether is lost, the minorhy arc thereby rendered ineligible 

to ofnee. effect disfranchised sq^lortg as such prejudices 

• minant. The republic in such a state partakes of an ar- 

racy, in proportion as th£ number of proscribed citizens 3 fc 



duces the number of those who only can administer the govern- 
ment. Suppose then we have in the United States, one million of 
free white male citizens, about five hundred thousand of these have 
the misfortune to be called federalists ; and are denounced as ene- 
mies to our free constitution and to republican liberty. It is acknow* 
ledged these men are at least equally respectable, for their talents, 
their information, their wealth and useful habits. Among the re- 
maining five hundred thousand, composing the party in power, 
the leaders of that party will not select and recommend to the peo- 
ple as candidates for office ; more than one to five hundred, so 
that in the present state of parties, the electors who support the 
present policy by their suffrages, under the influence of these in- 
veterate prejudices, which exclude federalists from a participation: 
in the administration, have to select those who are to direct ant! 
controul our great national concerns, from less than one thou- 
sandth part of the freemen. And among these it will be acknow- 
ledged a great number are more distinguished for their party 
zeal, than by those important qualifications which the high re- 
spectability of their trust requires. 

So long as the influence of these prejudices continues to blind 
and delude so many of our citizens, the leaders of the party in 
power may rest secure in the patronage of their constituents, un- 
til they shall establish an aristocracy, on the ruins of liberty. 

If his said the electors are not bound to regard a nomination 
made by the leaders of a party, it may be answered, it is equally 
true, that under the influence of party spirit and inveterate preju- 
dice, its usual concomitant ; it is certain they always have, and 
always will regard it. 

When therefore, it becomes an irrevocable principle with a bare 
majority of the people to exclude from the administration, a cer- 
tain class of citizens, to be designated by a particular appellation,, 
and comprising only a minority of the freemen, the leaders of that, 
majority, may with impunity sacrifice the interests of their constit- 
uents, to the advancement of their own. For suppose yoy dismiss 
from their places in the national legislature, the leaders of the 
majority, and appoint others of the same party in their stead, it is 
evident a combination may still exist among the few well inform- 
ed and influential leaders, of the party both in and out of office, for 
the purpose of promoting; their own views, in opposition to the 



U 

views and wishes ot the people ; for so long a:> tliey assume to 
themselves the right name, call it republican or what you please, 
they may rest assured that the majority will support them. 

And it is generally true, that the members of the national legis- 
lature, at the expiration of their term, if they arc not re-elected, 
arc still provided with some snug office, and go out among their 
constituents faithfully pledged to support that policy which they 
have been instrumental in establishing. 

From the nature of man and from the invariable effects of the 
influence of party spirit on his political conduct, it will always be 
found, that to change the policy of an administration, in an elective 
government, where all the electors are divided into two great par- 
ties, a revolution of those parties is absolutely necessary. Fede- 
ral measures would never have been changed by federal men. 
This truth you once believed. And those of you who pledged 
yourselves to restore the power of the federal administration, 
whenever you found yourselves disappointed in the result of new 
measures, would now, it is believed, gladly change the present 
ruinous policy by restoring to power federal men, had not your 
prejudices usurped the throne of cool and dispassionate reason. 

You are convinced that the merits of an administration of civil 
government should be adjudged by its fruits and not by a name. 
And yet when the policy of our present rulers has involved us in 
scenes of calamity from which they have not power to extricate 
us, you persist in proscribing and denouncing as unworthy of 
your confidence one half of your fellow freemen, because they are 
called federalists. 

But there are times when the triumphs of political delusion, 
lyer a minority must come to an end, when the errors of rulers can- 
not be practised with impunity. Such arc times of great national ca- 
lamity, when life, liberty, and properly arc put at hazard. Then 
it is that the errors of an administration, .sheds on community its 
dire effects and awakens the spirit of inquiry into the causes of 
the evils which surround them. Such is the present crisis. — Un- 
til the commencement of the present war, the advocates for the 
late measures of the administration, have affected to view our po- 
litical dissensions with great indifference : to consider a faction 
in a free state os a necessary appendage of liberty. But no soon- 
er were hostilities proclaimed between this country and Great 



\7 

Britain, than the minority were called UpptJ to join heart and hand 
in support of the contest, or submit to the imputation of being 
identified with the enemies of our country. Thus was the oppo- 
sition to be hushed into silence, and the liberty of speech and of 
the press, those great bulwarks of freedom, prostrated in the dust. 

A powerful minority is no longer considered as a harmless, 
faction. The affairs of the republic have come to a crisis, in 
which union has become indispensable to prevent a disastrous and 
inglorious termination of the present contest. But it is in vain to 
talk of union without just and correct views of the causes of our 
disunion. The advocates of the present policy are disposed at 
last to ascribe to our political dissensions, the present calamitous 
state of things, and to the federalists the first blameable cause. 

If our misfortunes should lead us to retrace our steps, and un- 
influenced by passion to review our political conduct, and impar- 
tially to investigate the causes of our divisions, we might still 
profit by them. The lessons of history are before us, and they 
have taught us that thus far we have travelled step by step, the 
downward course of .fallen republics. The evils which the im- 
mortal Washington, warned us woulddbe the effects of party spi- 
rit, have already completed half their work of ruin. They have 
distracted the public councils, and enfeebled the public adminis- 
tration ; they have agitated the community with ill founded jea«. 
lousies and false alarms: they have kindled the animosity of onft 
part against another : they have fermented occasional riot and in- 
surrection : they have opened the door to foreign influence and 
corruption, which have found a facilitated access to the govern- 
ment itself, through the channels of party passions, and the policy 
and will of this country has thereby been subj«Gted to the policy 
-*nd will of another* 



18 

Is it not then our highest wisdom, while beset on every side by 
a foreign and powerful foe, to inqui, ep solicitude who it 

is that hath enkindled the flames of civil discord among our 

The present war will probably come to an end, at no very dis- 
tant period of time: And we have too much reason to fear that 
the issue will be disastrous if not inglorious. 

But the event of it or of any of our foreign relations, can never 
secure to us durable peace and prosperity, so long as we are dis- 
tracted with domestic animosity and dissension. 

In a free republic like ours, where all may possess the same 
means of knowing the state of public concerns, and are equally 
interested in the general welfare, it is impossible that a mere dif- 
ference of opinion should divide them into two great parties.— 
Other causes have operated to create our fatal divisions. These 
must be examined. It may not yet be too late. 

Those who first excited ill founded prejudices among the citi- 
zens were their worst enemies. Search them out then, and let 
them know by the indignant voice of your disapprobation, that 
you will hereafter consider those who shall without a cause, ex- 
cite party dissensions, as more dangerous to your liberties, and 
more fatal to your peace and safety, than myriads of mercenary 
troops, the miserable tools and slaves of foreign despots. 

That will be the most important crisis in the history of our re- 
public when it shall be recorded of us, that our reason and wis^ 
tlom triumphed over passion and prejudice. Not that period 
when by our courage we purchased liberty, but when by our vir» 
tue wc stamped on its existence, immortal duration 






No. 2. 

That will !>c the most important CRISIS in the history of o\if 

nit sUail be recorded of us, that our reason and wis- 

;:ied over passion and prejudice: not that period when 

we purchased 'liberty, but when by our virtue we 

nped on its existence, immortal duration. 

WRITTEN TOWARD THE CLOSE OF THE LATE WAR. 

t 

To the citizens of the United States. 

Fhiexds and Fellow Citizens. 

IN great and important revolutions Vhich change either the 
form of government, or the policy of an administration, the peo- 
ple soon lose sight of the first link in the chain of events, by which 
it is produced. 

That ardent love of power so generally, if not universally pre- 
dominant, operates on the passions, and disposes men to investi- 
gate the means by which they may retain it, rather than those by 
which they have been elevated. 

But if by any means weak or corrupt men gain the ascendency 
in the councils of the nation, no great or at least no very durable 
evils, need be apprehended from their political errors, provided 
their constituents seek for correct information, and remain uncor- 
Tupted by the influence of party interests. 

There are men enough in every free state, who, to acquire 
power, are ever ready to nut in their claim, to the exclusive tit!« 



10 patriotism ; who to acquire wealth, would acquire political con- 
sequence. 

It must therefore depend on the wisdom and virtue of the elec- 
tors, composed of the great mass of useful citizens, to select such 
rulers as wiil best secure the perpetuation of liberty. But it un- 
ion unatelv happens in popular governments, that the electors 
from local or other causes, are often involved in the same vor- 
tex of error and misguided zeah with their rulers. It is not strange 
that men who have not much either of wisdom or virtue, to boast 
of, should in the exercise of power commit errors, and even per- 
severe in them, when they are thereby deriving, immediate emol- 
uments to themselves. 

But that the electors* who derive no bene -fits from the adminis- 
tration of civil government, but what result from the influence 
of wise and equal laws, that they should persist with persevering 
obstinacy, to support tho..e, whose political conduct has been oppo- 
sed to their views and wishes, and whose measures have disappoin- 
ted their most sanguine hopes, cannot be accounted for in any 
other way than by supposing they are actuated by the influence of 
delusion and prejudice. 

Our error and our misfortune has been, that while wc have 
-jeen and suffered the effects of party dissensions, we have not re- 
traced our steps to the first cause. According to the usual 
course of republics, we have progressed from bad to worse, un- 
til ft last, the evils resulting from the policy of the last fourteen 
years appear to be fast approaching to a remediless crisis. 

It has been well observed by a distinguished writer, " that (the 

* The author would apply ins remarket throughout this address, paKicu- 

: ■ . ■ ' ; , .. .; 

public omc%«nd who, whenever they could d 
the best iiit^rest of their country, Wold pursue it. 



21 

people are never in such danger as when placing a blind confi. 
deuce in their representatives ; who, acting in a body, divide thy 
sense of shame or disgrace among each other, and do things irom 
which a single individual, however dissolute, would shrink with 
disgust." 

The electors may be said to act under the influence of such a 
confidence, when they support by their suffrages the authors of 
measures, of which they disapprove by whatever political name 
then- representatives may be called. 

Bui, say the supporters of the present policy, although it ap- 
pears to us that the present war, and the measures which led to 
it, are ruinous to the interests of the country, and might have 
been avoided, yet our representatives have a better view of the 
whole ground, than we can be supposed to have, and therefore 
we must conclude they have done what was best, although we 
had other views of our political state ; and it is our duty quietly 
to submit to the will of the majority. 

The representatives of that majority may however sanction 
measures opposed to your will. In that event you have but one 
constitutional remedy ; by electing other men, who condemn such 
measures, and will change them. This you wiil not do ; no matter 1 
by what motives you are actuated, as it respects the evils which re- 
sult to the minority and to our country ; unless you will remove 
them by a wise use of your right of suffrage, they must be endu- 
red. 

By the exercise of this right, the minority cannot remove them s 
although the proportion of their numbers to that of the majority 
shall be as ninety-nine to an hundred, and although the evils re- 
sulting from such measures should fall with tenfold greater 
weight on that minority, than on the majority. 



22 

This is not a mere chimerical view of the wretched condition to 
which a free republic may be reduced. For there is no degree of 
degradation and misery, to which a minority may noi be reduced 
by a dominant party, acting under the dominion of infuriated pas- 
sion, or inveterate prejudice. 

But have you forgotten that there was a time when the leaders 
of a minority encouraged an open and violent resistance to mea- 
sures of which they disapproved. In 1792 under the administra- 
tion of President Washington, the execution of the laws isnpofcing 
a duty on spirits distilled within the United States was resisted ; 
and that resistance was encouraged by the very men who were 
thenth* leaders of a minority, but who now direct the destinies of 
our country. 

If resistance could be justified then; so it could at the present 
time with equal reason. Many of you who support the men in 
power at this time, did not then think it was the duly of the peo- 
ple quietly to submit to the will of the majority ; if that whl was 
as you professed to believe, destructive of the great end of civil 
government. 

When you were the legitimate subjects of Great Britain in 1775, 
you disclaimed the right of the British parliament to tax you with- 
out your being represented ; you would not submit to it. You 
would no longer be subjected to the evils of an administration, 
which you could not change. You are now represented in the 
councils of the nation, and when your representatives tax you 
contrary to your wishes, and wantonly spread around you devasta- 
tion and misery, you presume they have done well, because they 
are men of your own choice. 

But docs the right of suffrage, give impunity to the errors or 
<-3 of rulers ? 



23 



You endured the privations and sufferings of an eight year's 
war, because you would not submit to the absurd maxim, that 
the King can do no wrong : And by a blind confidence, by an ob- 
stinate adherence to a certain class of citizens, you would adopt a 
maxim equally absurd and fatal to liberty. The privileges which 
the citizens are to derive from the right of suffrage, do not con- 
sist in the power which the freemen possess of exercising that 
right, but in the actual exercise of it by a majority of the elec- 
tors, in a mannei* best calculated to promote their political inte- 
rest and happiness, , 

Suppose a bare majority of the electors have established it as 
an irrevocable principle, that they will never elect to office, any 
one who shall be nominated by the minority ; what benefits do 
that minority derive from the right of suffrage ? You say they en- 
joy the benefit of laws made by the men who are chosen by the 
majority, which is all they can expect from an elective govern- 
ment. But suppose that majority elect men, who pursue a poli- 
cy ruinous to the interest and happiness of the people, and should, 
persist in supporting such men ; ought such a policy to demand 
our Confidence and cordial submission, because the authors of it 
enjoy the right of suffrage ? If the rights of the people are to 
be invaded with impunity ; if our liberties are to perish, is it a 
privilege of which freemen should boast, and in which they ought 
to exult, that they have the right of choosing the men who are to 
be the instruments of their ruin ? 

But it is said, the representatives who are chosen by a majority 
of a free and enlightened people, will, it is to be presumed, best un- 
derstand, and be disposed to pursue, the best means to promote 
the public good. 
This was not the reasoning of the party in power seventeen 



24 

years ago. At that time they arraigned at the bar of public opin* 
ion, and d the measures of the representatives of a threat 

majority of the electors. 

You who now advocate the present policy, had not then adopt; 
ed the absurd maxim, that the representatives of a free people 
can do no wrong. You then gloried in the privileges of an elec- 
tive government, because it authorized you to change the coun- 
cils of the nation, by removing those who had deceived your con- 
fidence. You then complained of the measures of federalists, be- 
cause they imposed unnecessary and oppressive taxes. But our 
republican rulers have imposed a tax on lands, houses, carriages,, 
■waggons, harness, licenses, auctions, stills, leather, boots, hats, 
caps, ladies' hats, sugar, tobacco, snuff, segars, bar iron, roll'd 
iron, pig iron, cut nails, brads, sprigs, umbrellas, furniture, pa- 
per, candles, playing cards, saddles, bridles, ale, porter, and a 
stamp tax, a double postage tax, and all to support a war whick 
the people believed was unnecessary, and might with a little pru- 
dence have been avoided : and you have become silent as the grave 
upon the subject of federal measures : for if they chastised us 
with whips, it can no longer be concealed, that our republican ru- 
lers are now chastising us with scorpions. The people there- 
fore have exhibited some symptoms of a disposition to exercise 
the right of suffrage, by restoring to power those men who have 
invariably warned them, that the policy of the last fourleen years, 
would lead to the present disastrous state of thing3. 

But no sooner has the result of an election exhibited to public 
view, some evidence of an inclination in the electors, to consult 
their eyes rather than their ears, in forming their opinions of po- 
litical characters, than the old cry of British influence, monarchist, 
and tory, is raised with redoubled efforts j so gjjarirvg is the dis* 



25 

crimination between Republican and federal measures, in favour of 
the latter, that there is danger, that even the " moles will be cured 
of their blindness." > 

If the federalists committed errors in their administration four- 
teen years ago, they are no longer considered as obstacles to their 
restoration to power, since in that respect the little finger of Mr. 
Madison, has become thicker than the loins of Washington or 
Adams. 

The republican leaders, twenty-five years ago, were well aware 
that the test of experience might eventually expose the fallacy 
of their new policy; and thereby restore to confidence and to 
power, the proscribed federalists. 

It was not therefore against federal measures only, or principal- 
ly, but against federal men, that the efforts of the first opposition 
were directed. They were denounced as dangerous men, attach- 
ed to monarchical principles, and inimical to republican liberty. 
These accusations, unceasingly urged, have excited prejudices 
which have grown so inveterate as to become a rule of action, an 
inviolable law. And it is no longer a question whether they ought 
not quietly to submit to any evils which may result from the vices 
or errors of their republican leaders, rather than trust their poli- 
tical concerns to the controul of federalists. We now see a few 
individuals, who claim the exclusive title to patriotism and re- 
publican virtue, chosen from less than one thousandth part of the 
freemen, set at the helm, exulting in the triumphs of delusion and 
prejudice, over reason and truth : Our territory invaded by a 
powerful foe, and nearly one half of our citizens disfranchised, and 
identified with the enemies of our country- Such a stale of things 
cannot long continue. Our political state must be regenerated,' 
A revolution ii> the public opinion is indispensable. 



Whatever may be the event of the present war, in the pre'ser.' 
state of the world, we cannot expect any very long and uninter 
rupted state of peace. 

In times of common danger, we have found from recent expe 
rience, that union is the great bulwark of our safety. In the midst 
of surrounding commotions and ruins, pause then, fellow-citizens, 
for a moment, and review the motives of your political conduct, 
and with the integrity of virtuous freemen, examine the evidence 
upon which you have founded your political prejudices. 

In the long conflict for power which has engaged the two great 
political parties in this country, it is evident the great mass of elec- 
tors, who would at this time exclude from office federal men, 
have lost sight of the origin of our political dissensions. 

You now believe that those of your fellow-citizens, who are 
called federalists, are enemies to republican liberty, and friend? 
to an hereditary monarchy. 

But where is your evidence of the fact? There arc but two 
modes of proof, by which we can attest to the sentiments of oth- 
ers : one of which we derive from their professions, and the other 
from some overt act, the nature of which clearly evinces to thr 
mind, the principle which must have produced it. 

And has any federalist, whose political opinions have been 
thought to merit public consideration, ever announced to his fel- 
low-citizens, in any communication of his political sentiments, 
either public or private, his predilection to a monarchy, or his 
attachment to the British nation ? If so, who was that federalist ? 
"when and on what occasion, and to whom was such a communica- 
tion made ? If there had been cne such instance of republican 
degeneracy, would not the fact admit of proof, and the evidence 
have been distinctly announced to the public through the medium 



27 

a the press ? But no such evidence has ever been exhibited, i'oi 
this plain reason, that it never did exist. But on the contrary, 
whenever the sentiments of federalists on this subject have been 
disclosed, they have invariably evinced a strong predilection to 
our republican constitution as the only form of government which 
could best promote the happiness of the people. 

Fisher Ames, whose character for political science, and pure 
morality, stands unrivalled in our history, about ten years ago 
wrote a dissertation on the " Dangers of American Liberty," and 
sent it to a friend for his perusal, who returned it with an expec- 
tation that it would have been published at that time. In that in- 
teresting work wc find the following remarks which cannot be 
thought impertinent to our present object. 

" This is certain, the body of the federalists were always and 
yet are essentially democratic in their political notions. The truth 
is, the American nation, with ideas and prejudices wholly demo* 
cratic, undertook to frame, and expected tranquilly and with en- 
ergy and success, to administer a republican government. It is, 
and ever has been my belief, that the federal constitution was as 
good or very nearly as good as our country could bear ; that the 
attempt to introduce a mixed monarchy was never thought of, 
and would have failed if it had been made ; and could have pro- 
ved only an inveterate curse to the nation if it had been adopted 
cheerfully, and even unanimously by the people." The manu- 
script which contained these remarks, remained in the possession 
of Mr. Ames about three years, and until his death ; which clear r 
ly shows that he had no anxiety that it should have been publish- 
ed. That great and good man who had no enemies but what were 
created by party influence, never indeer believed it was necessa- 
ry, or the duty of patriotism, to use a single argument through 



the Whole of his writings, to convince the people that ihe federal- 
ists were friends to republican liberty: and thought as he expres- 
sed himself, that the assertions to the contrary were " impudent 
falsehoods," made only to gull the unsuspecting firemen out of 
their confidence in federal men. 

It is a fact, that since the commencement of our political dis- 
sensions, only two men have been designated among the whole 
body of federalists, as having publicly announced sentiments fa- 
vorable to a monarchical government. 

One of these, and the first, who was denounced as one, whose 
sentiments had a dangerous influence was John Adams, late Pre- 
sident of the United States. — When I say he was the first, I speak 
in the language of those citizens who have been deceived with re- 
spect to the origin of our political dissensions. If truth can pre- 
vail over falsehood and prejudice, and they will hear it — it will 
convince them that the opposers of federalism, directed their first 
efforts against Washington and his policy. But so unchangeable 
was the confidence, of the great body of the people in his talents 
and his character, both as a hero and statesman, such their un- 
bounded admiration of his wisdom, his virtue and disinterested 
patriotism, that the torrent cf calumny and abuse, which issued 
from the democratic presses at that time, against him and his po- 
licy, had no effect, in withdrawing the confidence of the people 
from the man on whom they had rested their hopes through the 
trying scenes of the revolution. 

It would have been indeed an Herculean task, to have destroy, 
cd the credit of an administration over which Washington presid- 
ed. It must indeed have been a work of much time, and have 
Tequircd arrangements, difficult in their execution, to operate 



2$ 

with success against an administration, winch commenced untie/ 
the most flattering auspices, and which had inspired our citizen: 
with the most flattering hopes. 

A considerable time had elapsed, before those papers, which 
were the vehicles of slander against federal men and measures, 
were extensively circulated. And those who might have early 
discovered the calumnies against Washington, must have conclu- 
ded they were the effect of some invisible and mysterious policy 
not founded in a disposition hostile to his character or conduct.' 

Although that opposition to federalists, which has ended in fix- 
ing the present inveterate prejudices of our citizens, began with 
Jie first operations of the government, certain it is, that the great 
mass of electors, who by their suffrages support the men now in 
power, trace the origin of their party prejudices, no farther back 
than to the administration of Mr. Adams, who it was said, Avas 
disposed to extend the influence of his principles both by his 
precepts and example ; that he was a dangerous man, because he 
thought the British constitution better than our own. 

Where is the evidence of this fact to be found ? Did he eve: 
make any declaration, either directly or indirectly, that such were 
his sentiments ? You have said they were to be found in his wri- 
tings. 

It will be recollected that'after the establishment of our inde- 
pendence, the people were free to form for themselves, civil con- 
stitutions, according to their own ideas of liberty, irnlepcndent of 
any foreign power. The then thirteen states, therefore chose 
and established for themselves, constitutions of government, foun« 
ded on principles similar to that which the United States have 
:ince adopted. 



so 

Mr. Turgot, a Frenchman, in a letter* to Dr. Price, acknow- 
ledges that he was not satisfied with those constitutions, and ob- 
serves, that " by most of them, the customs of England were imi- 
tated, without any particular motive. Instead of collecting all 
authority into one centre, that of the nation, they have established 
different bodies — a body of representatives, a council and a gover- 
nor, because in England, there i« a house of commons, a house of 
lords, and a king!" Against this attack of Mr. Turgot on the 
American constitutions, Mr. Adams wrote and published a de- 
fence ; a defence of those very principles of a republican form of 
government, which are recognized in our present constitutions. 
It has been the peculiar province of a few leaders of democracy in 
the United States, to discern in this celebrated defence of repub- 
lican principles, a predilection in the author to an hereditary mo- 
narchy. This work of Mr. Adams, is now before me, from which 
it appears that those who have represented his writings as proof 
of his predilection for a monarchy, have either misunderstood, or 
misrepresented them. The question between Mr. Adams and 
Mr. Turgot was not whether a republican form of government 
was preferable to a monarchy, but what form of government was 
best calculated to secure the duration of republican liberty. Both 

* This letter of Mr. Turgot and the principles contained in it, had beyond 
a doubt, a great influence on the conduct of the democratic party, in oppo- 
sing the constitution in its present form The respective states had in their 
constitutions provided, that there should be three departments or branches 
of the legislature, a governor, senate, and house of representatives, and un- 
der such constitutions, had formed their political principles and habits. It 
must be ascribed to French influence, that in forming our present constitu- 
tion, those who professed an excessive partiality for France, were for abol- 
ishing the office of chief magistrate and senate or council. The object of 
Turgors letter was evidently to influence the conduct of the Americans in 
forming their present constitution. French influence is of no recent date in 
the councils of the nation 



to 

agreed that the people were the source of all legitimate power, 
and had a right to choose for themselves, such a form of govern- 
ment as they believed would best comport with the great ends of 
its institution. 

Mr. Adams contended in his book against Mr. Turgot's opin- 
ion, that a chief magistrate, and senate or council, as provided in 
the American constitutions are indispensable to constitute that 
equilibrium of power, necessary to secure the rights of the peo- 
ple in every free state. He believed that the British nation had 
improved on the science of government, by introducing three se- 
parate and independent branches into her constitution to supporf. 
ihat equilibrium. 

But to prove him a monarchist his writings have been misquo- 
tedj garbled and misconstrued. 

As evidence of his predilection for a monarchy, the following 
part of a sentence has been often quoted as his sentiment, from 
♦he 70th page of the fn;st volume of his Defence : " The Eng- 
lish constitution is the most stupendous fabric of human in- 
vention."* But does this prove that he prefered this stupen- 
dous fabric to that which the American Convention erected in 
forming our own constitution ? On tire succeeding page of the 
same volume, Mr. Adams has disclosed his sentiments relative 
to our republican institutions, in expressions which cannot be 
mistaken. " They, meaning the Americans, says he, have not 
made their first magistrates hereditary, nor their senators : here 
they differ from the English constitution and with great propria 
ety. The agrarian in America is divided into the hands of the 
common people in every state, in such a manner that nineteen- 

* The whole sentence reads as follows, " I only contend that the English 
constitution is in theory, the most stupendous fabric of human invention, 
both for the adjustment of the balance, and the prevention of its vibrations.* 



twentieths of the property would be m the hands of the com- 
mons, let them appoint whom they could for chief magistrate 
and senators: the sovereignty then in fact, as well as morality, 
must reside in the whole body of the people ; and an hereditary 
king and nobility, who should not govern according to the pub- 
lic opinion, would infallibly be tumbled instantly from their pla- 
ces ; it is not only most prudent then, but absolutely necessary, 
to avoid continual violence, to give the people a legal, constitu- 
tional, and peaceable mode of changing their rulers whenever 
they discover improper principles or dispositions in them." In 
another part of his writings* on this subject, he makes the fol- 
lowing remarks : — " It is become a kind of fashion among wri- 
ters to admit as a maxim, that if you could be always sure of a 
wise, active and virtuous prince, monarchy would be the best 
of governments. But this is so far from being admissible, that 
it will forever remain true, that a free government has a great 
advantage over a simple monarchy. The best and wisest prince 
by means of a freer communication with his people, and the 
greater opportunities, to collect the best advice from the best of 
his subjects, would have an eminent advantage in a free state. 
more than in a monarchy/* 

But it is unnecessary to quote farther from his writings, to 
convince my fellow-citizens, that many of them have been de- 
ceived with respect to their import. It is true that Mr. Adams 
like every other man who has any knowledge of the history of 
republics, well knew that the election of chief magistrate, and. 
other great officers of state, had in every great nation, been at- 
ended sooner or later, with violence, anarchy and every spc- 

* Vol I. p. 8 



S3 

<;ies of corruption : and was apprehensive th'at such might uo 
our misfortune, when it might be necessary to resort to that 
remedy provided in the constitution, by calling a convention- 
But even in such an event he exults in the reflection that u such 
a convention may still prevent the first magistrate from becom- 
ing absolute as well as hereditary."* I have quoted some sen- 
timents of his from his writings, to present to the public view 
one of those absurd falsehoods, on which that stupendous sys- 
tem of delusion and prejudice has been erected, by which fed- 
oral men have been driven from the councils of the nation. 

The truth is, the writings of Mr. Adams have been repre- 
sented as evidence of his monarchical principles, by those who. 
never read them, and who knew nothing ©f their contents : and 
thousands have received such representations as truth : and 
nave therefore infered that those who would confide in him, to 
execute the important trust of chief magistrate, must have been 
attached to the same principles by which he was influenced. 

While he was writing his celebrated Defence of our repub- 
lican institutions in England, the Convention framed our pre- 
sent Constitution, which came to his knowledge, when he was 
.\bout drawing his work to a conclusion : upon which he made 
the following remarks : " It is now in our power to bring this 
work to a conclusion with unexpected dignity. In the course 
of the last summer, two authorities have appeared, greater than 
anv that have been quoted, in which the principles we have at- 
tempted to defend, have been acknowledged. The first is an 
ordinance of Congress of the 13th of July, 1787, for the gov- 
ernment of the Territory of the United States Northwest gf 

* See Adams' Defence, Vol, HI. p. 283. 
E. 



th£ Ohio; the second is, the report ot the Convention at Phi- 
ladelphia, of the 17th of September, 1787. The former con- 
federation ot the United States was formed upon the model and 
example of all the confederacies, ancient and modern, in which 
the federal council was only a diplomatic body : even the Lycian> 
whic'- is thought to have been the best, was no more. The 
magnitude of territory, the population, the wealth and com 
merce, and especially the rapid growth of the United States 
have shewn such a government to be inadequate to their wants; 
and the new system, which seems admirably calculated to unite 
their interests and affections, and bring them to an uniformity 
of principles and sentiments, is equally well combined to unite 
their wills and forces as a single nation. A result of accom- 
modation cannot be supposed to reach the ideas of perfection 
of anyone; but the conception of such an idea, and the delib- 
erate union oT so great and various a people in such a plan, is. 
without all partiality or prejudice, if net the greatest exertion 
of human understanding, the greatest single effort of national 
deliberation that the world has ever seen. That it may be im- 
proved is not to be doubted, and provision is made for that 
purpose, in the report itself. A people who could conceive 
and can adopt it, we need not fear will be able to amend it, 
when by experience, its inconveniences and imperfections shaft 
be seen and felt." 

Thus end the writings of M?. Adams, with the strongest, 
expressions of his approbation of that very constitution which 
he was accused of wishing to subvert.* Because he had dis- 

* It is a well known fact, that since Mr. Adams has expressed some: 
opinions in favour of Uie late measures of the present administration, the 
r»»ul»lfcan« have spokon »f his political character in the slrong-c^t terins v\ 



cewiment to discover the dangers to which republican libeny 
vas exposed, and had wisdom to point us to a remedy, he has 
been denounced as an enemy to republics. 

The delusion which lias been practised upon the honest free- 
men of this country respecting the political principles of Mi 
Adams, may yet convince them that if they would preserve 
their rights, they must become their own guardians, and net 
trust to a constitution written on paper : nor to a blind confidence 
in men whose title to patriotism is evidenced only by their 
professions. 

Perhaps no one thing has had more agency in effecting that 
change of men and measures in this country, by which the 
present policy was introduced, than the prevalency of an opin 
ion among 'he people, that Mr. Adams was nostile in his prin- 
ciples to republican liberty, and that he hoped by the influence 
of his measures, gradually to undermine our republican insti 
nations, and erect on their ruins, a monarchy. 

What man is there then, among us, who believes that wis-. 
-lorn and virtue are essential requisites, to support and perpct= 
uate the privileges of a free constitution, who has not reason to 
be alarmed for the existence of our own ? 

When it is considered that in this enlightened age, and in 
♦his free republic, where the means of correct information are 
as well provided, as the condition of man, and the course of hu- 
man affairs will admit ; even here it is found on a review of ou; 
political state, that a large portion of the honest freemen, have 

approbation : which proves that they never had any apprehension as they 
pretended, from the dangerous influence of ids monarchical principles, for 
they nuke no pretension that these have in any degree changed. Let a man 
app 6ve of the conduct of the men in power, ar.d there is no danger of his 
predilection for a monarchy : he is orth 



in tiic great concerns, which relate to the security of their dear 
est rights, acted under the influence of as absurd and barefaced 
falsehoods as were ever imposed on the wretched and degraded 
votaries of despotic power. And that those who have been the 
authors of such falsehoods, and who have given them currency, 
•With the zeal of enthusiasts, and the malignity of fiends, have 
thereby become the guardians of our rights, and the disposcr_ 
of our national wealth, and fortunes ! ! ! 

Men who to acquire power would violate the truth, and si 
Tence the voice of reason, will never fail to tyrannize and oppress 
ivhenever they can do it with impunity. 

Mr. Adams has remarked in his book, on the subject of coi 
rupt elections, that " mankind have universally discovered tha. 
'chance was preferable to a corrupt choice, and have trusted 
Providence rather than themselves." And this,, mankind always 
■will discover for this very obvious reason, that chance may 
sometimes do that for us which is best : whereas a corrupt choice 
must inevitably do that for us which is worst. 

But we hope and believe that the public morals are not yet 
so far corrupted, that We have no longer any ground to hope, 
that our elections may yet be restored to their original purity, 

If reason and truth will not convince us, our misfortunes may, 
that if we suffer ourselves to be deceived in the choice of our 
-rulers, we shall have to pay for our foILy, by a surrender of our 
"property and our rights. 

Alexander Hamilton whose name " would have honored Greece 

n the age of Aristides," has been also designated from among 

the federal ranks as a monarchist, and as having possessed prin 

-iplcs hostile to republican liberty. His enemies have attempts 



r,7 

\o adduce proofs of this from remarks he made while a member 
of the convention which framed our present constitution. Dur- 
ing the debates on that occasion he expressed opinions in favour 
of a system of government which should render the executive 
and senate, though elective, more permanent than they are by 
the constitution which was finally adopted by the people. But it 
v\ not known that he ever explained the extent of the duration 
which he would have fixed upon for those departments. His ene- 
mies have said that lie would have had the president and senate 
hold their offices during good behaviour. And this is the high- 
est accusation that even his enemies have raised against him. 
But even this is not true, and if it had been, it would prove no- 
thing of his predilection for a monarchy. It is weli known that 
he afterwards supported the constitution, as framed, with great 
ability, and contributed essentially to its adoption. 

He might without the spirit of prophecy, have looked forward 
to such a state of things as now exists : when it might become 
aeceasary that Congress should possess the power more effectu- 
ally of controuling the sovereignties and commanding the resour- 
ces of the respective states. 

There was a great diversity of opinion among the members o£ 
the Convention respecting the extent and duration of the power 
which should be vested in the chief magistrate and the senate 
The leaders of those who advocated these opinions were Mi- 
Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson. 

%C?* To the difference of opinion,* which arose on this sub- 

* It is not necessary to trace the causes of our political dissensions far- 
ther '.han to that difference of opinion between Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Jef- 
ferson, on the subject of the constitution : to show the origin of the two 
parties which arc distinguished by the numes of federal and republican. 



jcct, may b.e distinctly traced the organization cu those two {Ar- 
tie's called federal and republican, which have since agitated and 
shaken the foundations of our republic to its centre. 

The animosity, which might have been created on that occasion, 
ought not to have survived the adoption of the constitution. For 
it was finally unanimously adopted by the convention, and the in- 
strument itself inclosed in a letter signed by the president: in 
which, he remarked that the " constitution was the result of a 
spirit of amity and of that mutual deference and concession, which 
the peculiarity of their political situation rendered indispensable : 
that it will meet the full and entire approbation of every State is 
not to be expected: but each will doubtlest? consider, that had 
her interest been alone consulted the consequences might have 
been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others : that it is as 
liable to as few exceptions as could have been reasonably expect- 
ed, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare 
of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and hap- 
pincss, is our most ardent wish." 

I have mentioned this happy result of the convention to show 
that the conciliatory motives by which the members of that body., 
appear to have been actuated, were such, that they ought not, 
neither could sound policy, or any principle of real patriotism 
"or a rr.omea-: admit, that they should ever after, have been ar 
raigncd at the bar of public opinion. Yet notwithstanding the 

to show that the prejudices which were'. soon after excited against the 
federalists were founded entirely in falsehood and delusion. The origin of 
jiir d may be traced to a disposition which was apparent among 

ioon after tiie termination of the revolutionary war. It is hoped. 
thart a full view of this important subject may yet be presented to the peo 
tes, before the errors which result from mistaken con- 
ception., of our political state ;> hail produce evils remediless and fatal to re- 
publi< .. . 



nappy result of the convention, and the subsequent adoption o: 
vhe constitution : immediately after the organization of our go 
vernment under President Washington — a party made its appear- 
ance in Congress, and uniformly opposed almost every mcasim 
of great national concern; and from the opinions of Mr. ITamil 
ton on the subject of the constitution, attempted to adduce argu 
ments, to prove that both Hamilton himself, and the advocate^ 
lor his policy, were influenced by monarchichal principles, 

Mr. Hamilton, it is true, openly avowed the opinion, that the 
greatest danger, to which the constitution was exposed, arose 
from its imbecility ; and that our liberty had more to fear from 
the encroachments of the great states, than from those of the 
general government. In the event of a foreign, war which we 
now experience, he doubtless believed, that those states whid, 
might not approve of the policy which produced it, would no: 
render those essential aids, which might be necessary to insur* 
its success: and it is not impossible but that he might have pre 
ferred a constitution which would vest in Congress that power u 
command the military forces of the respective states, which the-, 
have attempted to exercise in the present war, without any ai; 
thority derived from the constitution. But while a member o 
the convention, or on any other occasion, it is not known, that he 
eve* expressed a sentiment which evinced his predilection for ar 
hereditary government, or attachment to the British nation 
Those thousands of republicans who knew his transcendant worth 
and had seen and felt the influence of his wisdom and benevolence, 
witnessed their love and admiration, of his personal virtue, and 
excellence, in the effusions of their indignation against the base 
author of his final catastrophe, and tho prlKind respect, with 
which they paid their last sad honors to his remains, 



40 

It is true that distinguished men of both political parties, have, 
if) private conversation, expressed their apprehensions that our 
republican constitution would not long endure the attacks of fac 
tion, of passion, of vice, and error. And such expressions when 
uttcrred by federalists, have been construed into principles, and 
represented as proofs, of a disposition to change our government 
for a monarchy. 

During the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, the writer of this ad- 
dress well recollects, that Mr. Granger, late post-master gene- 
ral, in a conversation relating to the dangers of republican liber- 
ty, remarked, that he did not think the period very remote, when 
a despotic government would be established on the ruins of our 
republic. But that gentleman like all others, who have made 
similar remarks, doubtless founded his opinion on his knowledge 
of political events, the nature of man, and the usual course, and 
frfte of republics. But the man who would receive such opinions 
as proofs of a predilection for a monarchy, cannot be competent 
to exercise the right of suffrage. 

Attempts are not made to practise imposition, relative to this 
.subject, on those who know the history of our political concerns, 
Mr. Jefferson at the time of his inauguration, must have known, 
that many of the freemen throughout the Union, had received 
false impressions, respecting the motives and principles of fede- 
ral men. But surrounded as hp was, at that time, by the officers 
of government, and others distinguished for political science, he 
would not risque his reputation, by making a false discrimination 
between the political principles of those who were his advocates 
and opposes. Asjense of the dignity unci high responsibility at- 
tached to the characters of those who arc placed at the head of 



4t 



the respective departments, and who in reality direct the desti^ 

nies of our country, presents a motive too vast, too irresistible, to 

admit the supposition that they could prevaricate in announcing 

► facts, wlrichare to constitute a public and official document. On 

that occasiof^e announced to the public and to the world the 

truth, when he said we have called by different names, brethren oV 

the s S me principle. .« We are all republicans, we are all fede- 

ralists." And again, recall to your recollection fellow-citizens, 

his farther remarks on that occasion. « Let us then" said he, 

" with courage and confldence pursue our own federal and repub- 

Iicang|rinciples." 

Had a suggestion escaped him that his political opponents had 
a predilection for the British government, he knew too well, the 
ridicule and contempt to which it would have exposed him. No ; 
fellow-citizens, it is not known that Mr. Jefferton himself ever 
pretended to any one, that a difference of opinion with respect to 
the choice of a government, was the origin of our political dissen- 
sions. But he well knew that great numbers of the freemen had 
been duped by political quacks and impostor, into a belief, that 
federalists were attached to monarchical principles ; and that to 
{hose false prejudices he owed his elevation. 

Had he believed that certain influential leaders of the federal- 
ists, entertained principles opposed to our republican form of go? 
vernment, and to the union of the States, it would have been his du- 
ty to have publicly announced this information to Congress, and 
to have warned the people to avoid the influence of such men, and 
denounced them as dangerous citizens. But although such a 
measure might have been highly gratifying to the deluded vota- 
ries of his power, it would have excited among the people a call 



42 

on him for his proofs of the existence of such principles. The 
.republican chief was not to be caught in such a dilemma. The 
triumphs of delusion, over truth and reason, were not thus to be 
defeated. 

Let it not be forgotten, that after every effort had been made 
by the friends of Mr. Jefferson, which cunning or hypocrisy could 
devise, to establish in the public mind a difference between the 
principles of those who were called federalists and republicans, in 
favour of the latter, the first act of his administration was to de- ' 
clare, there was no difference. 

For this act of treachery towards his copatriots, it was thought 
at that time he might be justified, even in dispensing with ^ old 
maxim, " honor among thieves," when he thereby excited such 
flattering hopes of his intention to break down that spirit of party, 
which had disgraced the country, and threatened the ruin of her 
interests and happiness. But subsequent events soon taught us, 
that the man who owed his elevation to dissensions among the 
people, was not destined to unite them. 

I have presented to your view the evidence that has been ex- 
hibited to the public, to prove from the writings or declarations 
of John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton, that they were monar- 
chists. 

And do you, as you pretend, believe in the political character 
and policy of Washington ? Then let me tell you that he never, 
on any occasion, on which it was proper for him to notice their 
principles or measures, neglected to give them his entire approba- 
tion and perfect confidence. Mr. Hamilton, after having been falsely 
accused by the republican party, of accumulating great wealth by- 
illicit means, was finally urged by necessity, to resign tJae office of 



.43 



Secretary, which he held under Washington ; having spent in the 
public service a great part of the fruits of his former labours. 

Mr. Adams, at the end of his presidential term, retired at the 
request of the republicans, to make room for Mr. Jefferson, who 
at that time declared the government was in the full tide of suc- 
cessful experiment : And I need not tell you, it is now overwhel- 
med with suffering and disgrace 

Towards the close of the presidential term of Mr. Adams, the 
views which Washington had at that time of his measures, and 
the political state of the country as it respected our relations with 
France, arc concisely stated in a letter addressed by him to Mr. 
Adams, of which the following is an extract : — 

« It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, or indifferent 
to recent transactions. The conduct of the directory of France 
towards our country ; their insidious hostility to its government - 
their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people 
from it ; the evident tendency of their arts and those of their 
agents, to countenance and invigorate opposition ; their disregard 
of solemn treaties and the laws of nations ; their war upon our 
defenceless commerce ; their treatment of our ministers of peace 
and their demand, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in 
me sentiments corresponding with those my countrymen have so 
generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. Be» 
lieve me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and 
prudent measures of your administration. They ought to inspire 
universal confidence." 

Yet that party who assumed the name of republican, that party 
which Washington called the French party, and which he said 
were the curse of this country, and the source «f all the evils it 



44 

Jiad to encounter ;* had it seems withdrawn their confidence from 
Mr. Adams, and the measures of his administration, and denoun- 
ced them as hostile to republican liberty. And your republican 
leaders, even to this time, would have you believe, that your pre- 
judices against federal men commenced with the administration 
of Mr. Adams. 

But let the voice of reason and truth be heard. You have 
"been deceived; you was jealous of your liberty ; in an unguarded 
moment you yielded to the dominion of passion; you did not con- 
sider the fatal tendency of ill founded prejudices ; and you have 
arraigned and condemned the political characters and principles 
of a great portion of your fellow citizens, against reason, truth and 
justice. 

I have observed, that there are but two modes of proof by which 
we can attest to the sentiments of others, either by their profes- 
sions or some oyert act, the nature of which clearly evinces to 
the mind the principle which must have produced it. But feder- 
alists from the greatest to the least, profess a strong predilection 

* " The following extract of a letter from General 'Washington to Charles 
Carrol of Maryland, dated Mount -Vernon, August 2d, 1798, several months 
after passing all those laws, which seem so obnoxious to the party now in 
power, will show what right they have to claim any advantage from the po- 
pularity of his name." 

" Although," says Gen. Washington, " I highly approve of the measures 
taken by the government, to place this country in a posture of defence, and 
even wish they had been more energetic, and shall be ready to obey its call, 
under the reservations I have made, whenever it is made : yet I am not with- 
out hope, mad and intoxicated as the French are, that they will pause before 
they take the last step. That they have been deceived in their calculations 
on tlie division of the people, and the powerful support they expect from 
their party, is reduced to a certainty, though it is somewhat equivocal still, 
whether THAT PARTY who have been THE CURSE OF TIIJS COUN- 
TRY and the SOURCE OF THE EXPENSES WE HAVE TO ENCOUN* 
TER, may not be able to continue THEIR LT.I.USION.— What a pi' v ; * 
la the expense could not be taxed upon them." 



45 

far our republican constitution ; they say they are republicans, one 
and all, and Mr. Jefferson has also said the same, and nothing 
they have ever said or written, which has ever come to the know- 
ledge of the public, has furnished any evidence to the contrary. 

And here permit me to ask you, who claim the exclusive title 
to the appellation of republican, what other proofs have you to 
evince to the mind the republicanism of your principles than 
your professions ? 

Were you to reason with an ancient christian on this subject, 
lie would probably say to you ; shew me your principles without 
your works, and I will shew you my principles by my works. If 
it would not give offence in this enlightened age, to ask the same 
question, the answer would be the same now as then. Principles 
are not of themselves objects of vision, but fundamental truths 
which exist in the mind, and are the source from which actions 
are produced. It is impossible therefore to show to the world 
that yoar principles are republican, except by measures, which 
are the natural result and effect of such principles ; unless the 
name republican is to be considered as evidence of the principles 
of him who is pleased to assume the appellation. 

This kind of proof however will not pass current unless it is 
among mad men and ideots. 

It reminds one of the limner who before he exhibited his pic- 
tures to public view, took care to designate the respective an- 
imals which he would represent, by writing directly over each 
one its proper name, that the spectator might not mistake the 
lion for the Iamb. If the artist wanted either skill or disposition to 
exhibit any other evidence of the nature of the animal he would 
represent than the name, he was blameless., provided he taxed thr 
people nothing for his exhibition. 



45 

Should this be considered a digression from the subject, I hope 
it will be pardoned ; for I confess I feel an irresistible inclination 
to treat the subject of distinguishing political principles by names, 
with contemptuous levity. If names are hereafter to be admitted 
as evidence of principles, I would beg leave to suggest a mea- 
sure of convenience to prevent mistakes in future. Let Mr. Mad- 
ison appoint one or more persons in each county throughout the 
union, whose business it shall be to go about and investigate the 
qualifications of those who.shall assume the name of republican, 
and baptize them only, who shall be found orthodox, in the name 
of the God of liberty and equality ; who shall thereupon be enti- 
tled to a red cap with the word republican, written in large capi- 
tals on the front, to be provided at the expense of the govern- 
ment, and direct that it shall be worn on all days of election. This 
would have a tendency to exclude impostors from assuming that 

honorable title, and enable the people thereby to discern and duly 

* 
appreciate their real friends. Should such a regulation take 

place, there would still be found a great number of citizens, who 
although they profess their attachment to republican principles, 
vet do not claim an exclusive title to that appellation, and there- 
fore tfould not be entitled to the red cap. They believe that m'en 
who are governed by certain principles, may be designated by a 
particular name, b'ut tjiat name constitutes no kind of evidence 
that such principles do exist. 

I should not have made these remarks, was it not evident, that 
the plainest dictates of reason and common sense, have been dis. 
regarded, in making political discriminations among our citizens. 
It is time to look about us, and examine the evidence which has 
given to names a magic influence, which in the old world has 



4? 
overwhelmed courts and cabinets and churches, and in our own 
country, has dissolved the endearing ties, which bind together so- 
ciety, and bless the condition of man : and like the horrid din of the 
tocsin, arrayed the fiends of misguided passion, against the laws 
of heaven and nature, and would erect for its votaries, a throne 
on the ruins of liberty. 

If those who are called republicans have no other or greater 
evidence, by which they can prove themselves to be the friends of 
our constitution and republican liberty, our party distinctions 
at once are at an end; and the only inquiry respecting the 
qualifications of candidates for office will in future relate only to 
their wisdom and integrity, and not the insignificancy of a name. 

If then political names do not furnish any evidence whatever, 
that the principles they are designed to designate do in fact exist ; 
it follows of course that the man who assumes upon himself the 
name of republican, is entitled to no confidence in his attachment 
to an elective government by virtue of his name. Neither does 
the appellation of federalist, furnish any evidence whatever, that 
he who is called by that name, is under the influence of monarchi- 
cal principles. And as to the professions of men, if they are to 
be admitted as proofs of their principles: federalists have equal 
and the same evidence that they are attached to an elective govern- 
ment, as those who are called republicans. But the truth is, the 
professions of men respecting their principles can no farther be 
admitted as competent evidence to prove what are their real 
principles, than their actions which result therefrom, correspond 
with their professions. 

If then you would form correct opinions respecting the political 
sentiments of your fellow-citizens, you must derive your evidence 
from a pure source ; from some overt act, some political measure 



48 

the nature of which clearly evinces to the mind the principle 
which must have produced it. 

It will be recollected that although the members of the Con- 
vention which framed our constitution, were divided in opinion 
on the subject of the constitution, it was finally unanimously 
adopted. But Mr. Hamilton or any others who might at that 
time have had objections to the constitution similar to those 
which he had suggested, did not suppose after it was adopted, 
they could be justified in making that instrument which had be- 
come the great bulwark of our liberties, any longer a subject of 
political dissension. They were, and continued to be, its firm 
and uniform supporters. 

But there was a party throughout the United States who were 
opposed to the constitution even in its present form : they would 
have had neither a chief magistrate or senate, but the whole 
legislative body to consist of an assembly of representatives 
similar to that which was established in France after the de- 
struction of their monarchy. This party had charged the ad- 
\'ocates of our present constitution with a desire to establish a 
monarchy on the ruins of .republican liberty: and the constitu- 
tion itself it was alledged, contained principles which would 
prove the truth of this charge. 

The leaders of that party had therefore been ready from the 
instant the government came into operation, to discover in all 
its measures, those monarchical tendencies, which they had 
perceived in the instrument they opposed.* They insisted that 
the constitution bore a strong resemblance to that of Great- 
Britain : and that some of the first measures of the administra- 

ashlnjtorti Vol; V. p. 350 



49 

£ibi»i also were founded in a policy similar to that which that 
country had adopted. By rcfering to the Journals of the Con- 
ventions of the respective States, which were called to discuss 
the merits of the constitution, and to reject or adopt it, it will 
be found, that those very men throughout the United States, 
who were opposed to the adoption of the constitution, were the 
men who commenced the opposition to the administration of 
Washington. 

The first great and principal leader of that opposition was 
Thomas Jefferson, then Secretary of State. And between him 
and Alexander Hamilton who was then Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, there was a difference of opinion on those great national 
questions, the decision of which completed the organization of 
those two parties which at this time are agitatiiig and confound- 
ing the councils of the republic. 

Mr. Hamilton in pursuance of the duty pertaining to his of- 
fice, digested and reported various plans for establishing the 
credit of the United States, by providing for the payment of the 
public debt. These were approved of by Washington and a 
great majority of his administration, and passed into laws, and 
constituted what was called the Funding System, similar in some 
respects to that which existed in Great-Britain. 

It should here be recollected that our ancestors who establish- 
ed for us our republican institutions, derived all their science 
in the policy of legislation from Great-Britain. 
" In that country, as in others on the eastern continent, the bu» 
siness of taxation has been practised in almost every possi- 
ble form, no one of which ever did, or ever will give entire 
satisfaction, in that or any other country. But it could not be 



expected that a system of taxation could ever be devised in the 
United States, which would not bear some Strong resemblance 
to those of Great-Britain. It is not necessary therefore to at- 
tempt an investigation of the nature or effects of those laws, to 
show that no evidence whatever could be derived from them, 
which could in any way evince a disposition in the authors, fa- 
vourable to a monarchy, or to the British nation. If in a free 
atate laws are made which are unequal in their operations and 
unnecessarily burdensome to the people, such laws may fur- 
nish evidence that the authors of them are destitute either of 
talents or integrity ; but the most devoted partizan, the most 
jealous guardian of our liberties, could never believe, that such 
laws of themselves, could furnish any proof, that the authors 
of them were monarchists or enemies to republican liberty : 
the idea is too absurd to admit of any consideration. 

But the opposers of the administration, at that time, arraign 
ed and condemned at the bar of public opinion all those mer- 
aures which had originated with the Secretary of the Treasury, 
as well as many others of great national concern, all which 
were finally adopted, with the entire approbation of Washing- 
ton. 

The authors of these measures were censured, because they, 
in the first place, had been instrumental in forming a constitu- 
tion, which it was said must have been the result of monarch! 
cal principles, from the resemblance it had to the British con 
stitution : alleging that similar powers were vested in the Pre- 
sident, Senate and House of Representatives, to those which 
by the British constitution were vested in the King, Lords and 
Commons. 

There was perhaps no measure of Washington's administra- 



ion more pointedly and strenuously opposed than the funding 
system, by which provision was made for payment of the pub- 
lic debt which had accrued during the revolutionary war. The 
republican party contended that the funding system furnished 
conclusive evidence that the authors of it were actuated by mo- 
narchical principles, and British influence ; because in Great 
Britain they have a funding system, and the government of 
Great Britain is a monarchy. And because our federal rulers 
established a funding system, they must therefore have been 
attached to a monarchy. But it was contended that this mca- 
cure was also founded in bad policy. The original creditors 
many of them had parted with the certificates which contained 
the evidence of their respective debts, at a great deduction from 
the nominal value : and it was said those creditors had thereby 
manifested their willingness to add to their other sacrifices this 
deduction from their demand upon the nation : and therefore 
the purchasers of that debt, ought not to receive any more than 
what they had paid the original creditor. 

Those who were in favor of the system contended, that it 
was subversive of every principle on which public contracts 
are founded, for a legislative body to diminish a debt the amount 
of which had been ascertained, and for the payment of which, 
they considered the property and sacred honor of the peo- 
ple of the United States was pledged. Of the justice or policy 
of that measure let the people judge : but permit me to remind 
you that some of those very men who opposed that measure, 
and many others who have been the firm supporters of their po- 
licy and power, are at this time, purchasing of the poor sol* 
'lier, his claims on the government, at prices reduced belov^ 



the nominal value, in proportion to the pre&bure ot his neces- 
sity, occasioned by the ruin of that policy which had given to 
the funding system life and vigor. But it was not these laws 
only which constituted the funding system, by which the re- 
publican party, attempted to excite prejudices against Wash- 
ington and his administration : the opposition was soon direct- 
ed against almost every measure, and the authors of them ac- 
cused of being the enemies of republican liberty. " The sala- 
ries allowed to public officers, though so low* as not to afford a 
decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat of govern- 
ment, were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly to 
manifest a total disregard of that simplicity and economy, which 
were the characteristics of republics." 

" The levees of the President, and the evening parties of 
Mrs. Washington, were said to be imitations of regal institu- 
tions, designed to accustom the American people to the pomp 
and manners of European courts. The Indian war they alleged 
was misconducted and unnecessarily prolonged for the purposes 
of expending the public money, and of affording a pretext for 
augmenting the military establishment and increasing the re- 
venue. All this prodigal waste of the people's money was to 
keep up the national debt, which united with standing armies 
and immense revenues, would enable their rulers to rivet the 
chains which they were secretly forging."! It was not long 

* The salary of the Secretary of State which was the highest, was three 
thousand five hundred dollars. Mr. Jefferson himself patronized the press 
at that, time which denounced federal men for high salaries. — He and his co- 
patriots have doubtless, become sin«e convinced of their error, in that re- 
spect, as we have heard nothing of that complaint for fourteen years. 

\ See Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. 5 p. 350. See also the Jour 
nals and debates of Congress at that time 



.tier the commencement of Washington's administration, that, 
a clerk in the office of the Secretary of State, became the editor 
of a certain newspaper, called the National Gazette, which was 
patronised by Mr. Jefferson, and soon became the vehicle of 
calumny against the most important measures of the first ad- 
ministration, and the men who proposed and supported them. 

It was through the medium of the press only, that the base 
slanders, the most outrageous abuses of the conduct and cha~ 
ractcr of Washington and his policy, came to his knowledge. 
The republicans have been told millions of times, and they 
have as often denied, that Washington and his political friends, 
were the men against whom the first efforts of democracy were 
directed. But in this they have been deceived : they have de^ 
rived the evidence on which are founded their political preju- 
dices from an impure source. 

So violent and unceasing was the opposition to the measures 
of Washington's administration, that he was filled with the 
most painful sensations for the event. As proof of this fact, I 
refer you to a letter* which he addressed to Mr. Jefferson on 
.he 23d day of August, in the third year of his administration, 
in which he wrote as follows : 

" How unfortunate and how much is it to be regretted, that 
while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies 
and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harrowing 
and tearing our vitals. The last to me is the most serious, the 
most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two ; and without 
more charity for the opinions of one another, in governmental 
matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth 
of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test 

* See Marshall's Life of Washington, vol, 5. p. 357. 



54 

of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the 
lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if nor. imp a- 

ble to manage the reins of government, or to keep the p )f 
it together : for if instead of laying our shoulders to 
chine, after measures have been decided on, one pulls this w*y 
and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, 
it must be inevitably torn asunder ; and in my opinion, the tVir- 
cst prospect that ever was presented to man, will be lost, per- 
haps for ever." 

But all his endeavours to conciliate the opposition to his mea- 
sures, were unavailing. On the 21st day of Juiy, rhe next year 
after the letter of which the above is an extract was written, 
Washington addressed a letter to Gen Lee, then Governor of Vir- 
ginia, on the subject of the opposition to his administration, which 
was made through the medium of the press — from which letter 
the following is an extract :— " The arrows of malevolence, there- 
fore, however barbed and pointed, can never reach my most vulne- 
rable part ; though whilst I am up as a mark, they will be con- 
tinually aimed at me. The publications in Freneau'sand Bache's* 
papers are outrages on common decency ; and they progress in 
that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt 
and passed over in silence by those, against whom they are di- 
rected. Their tendency however, is too obvious to be mistaken 
by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and in my opinion ought 
to alarm them ; because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to their 
effect." 

Will you ask, how do the calumnies against Washington, and 
the measures which he approved, furnish evidence that our pre- 

* Bache was a Clerk in the office of the Secretary of State, and his paper 
patronized by Mr Jefferson. 



indices against federal men are ill founded I In answer to this, let 
me enquire of you, how you ca/ne by them ? Through what chan- 
nel did you derive your evidence that federal men are under the 
influence of monarchical principles, and therefore dangerous 
men ? They, as I before observed, have made no professions of 
such principles. No : they tell you, they prefer an elective go- 
vernment ; and to prove it, they refer you to what they have done 
and suffered to acquire such a government : to their blood and 
treasure, and that of their fathers and friends, which has been free- 
ly expended in the acquisition : and they tell you they are still 
ready to fight and to die in defence of that Constitution, which by 
their courage and wisdom they have achieved. They point you 
to the field of battle, to which they have flown to victory and to 
death, that they might repel an invading fge, which your misera- 
ble policy has brought upon our borders, and which your dastard- 
ly efforts cannot repel without their aid. 

The question returns then, how came you by your prejudices ? 
They are not the creatures of a day. That sudden impulse, by 
which we are led to resist or to oppose another for some suppo- 
sed offence or intended injury, is the effect of passion. Prejudice 
is a sentiment or judgment formed without examining the grounds 
or evidence necessary to support it. Judgments or sentiments 
therefore, that are founded in prejudice, can never be considered 
as any evidence of themselves, that the facts on which they are 
supposed to be founded do exist. That you entertain prejudicer 
against federal men, you do not deny : and that these prejudices 
are producing serious evils among us is certainly true : and it is 
seriously believed that unless the differences among the people, 
which have been created by these prejudices, can be reconciled, 
they will end in the ruin of our republic. 



You are therefore, at this alarming crisis, urged by the duty 
which you owe to your country and to posterity, to examine the 
evidence on which your prejudices have been founded. And to 
this end your attention has been invited to the calumniators of 
Washington and his policy ; as the men, from whom, on a review 
of the subject, you must be convinced that you have derived the 
evidence, to which your present prejudices, owe their origin ; 
evidence which will be found on examination, totally incompe- 
tent, in its very nature, to decide the most unimportant civil 
right. 

Strictures on the administration of government are made 
through the medium of the press, and through that channel com 
rounicated to the people, by those individuals who approve them 
Those presses which are established at the seat of government., 
where measures originate, and where it is believed the real views 
and principles of their authors are best known, are the first tc 
give them currency. The National Gazette to which I have al- 
luded, and other papers became the vehicles of the calumnies 
against Washington and his administration, soon after the govern 
ment went into operation ; and those, or their contents copied in 
to other papers, were circulated among the people. 

It must therefore be through the medium of democratic papers,, 
first published at the seat of government, that you derived your 
first information, that your liberties had been entrusted with dan- 
gerous men. This is evident. There is no other mode by, which 
rhe motives, views, and principles of men, so far removed from 
the great body of the electors as those who reside at the seat of 
government, could be communicated. To extend the circulation 
of these papers, and thereby communicate what were called re- 
publican sentiments, a democratic society was formed at Philadcl- 



phla, on the 30th day of May 1793, which was the fifth year jDf 
Washington's administration, and soon after the arrival of Mi\ 
Genet, the French minister. " These societies were the resolute 
champions of all the encroachments attempted by the agents of 
the French republic on the government of the United States, and 
t'hc steady defamers of the views and measures of the American 
executive."* 

By this society ^corresponding committee was appointed, 
through whom they might communicate with other societies es- 
tablished on similar principles, throughout the Union. It was 
through the aid of this society, that the calumniators of Wash- 
ington and his measures, extended their influence to the great 
body of the people. It was from this source, then, and no other, 
that you have derived your evidence, that federal men are under 
a dangerous influence, and Washington himself was never made 
an exception to the number of those, who we«e marked for pro- 
scription and doomed to exile. 

This is evident, if you believe what he has written on the sub- 
ject. And of his integrity you never doubted. He was one of 
those rare characters, whom the temptations of earth could not 
corrupt, and who by uniting in himself, every virtue, was destined 
to bless his country by uniting every heart. By a long series of 
illustrious actions, and by an unrivalled display of disinterested 
patriotism, that great and good man had so engravened himself on 
the affections of his fellow-citizens, that his very name palsied the 
tongue of slander, and his transcendant influence rendered abor- 
tive the efforts of his detractors. 

In that long catalogue of illustrious patriots, heroes and states- 
men, who have adorned and blessed our country, and who would 
have honored any age or nation, it was our lot to enjoy one, and 
we have reason to exult in the proud recollection, that among that 
number, even one could be found, wno alone was destined by Hea- 
ven to command the undivided confidence of his fellow-citizens* 
Will you ask, who then are his enemies ? he had none Why 
then had he traducers I Thousands of our citizens will still indig- 
nantly answer, he had none : he lived only to bless and serve his 
country, and died in her service. And could that country raise 

* Marshall's Life of Washington, v. 5. p. 427. 

H 



$8 

against htrbeneiactor, the voice of detraction ? It could. Wash- 
ington was traduced ; by a few indeed, a despicable few of his 
fellow-ciiizens. And had not his hand recorded the evidence at 
their degeneracy, you never would have believed it. It was re- 
served for him alone to transmit to us for the benefit of our coun- 
try, the evidence of the degeneracy of the age in which we live, 
as a warning against that fatal system of delusion and falsehood, 
whicn he saw was preparing to entangle us in the corrupt poli- 
tics of foreign courts, and to enkindle among us the flames of civil 
discord. 

Notwithstanding every effort which was made by President 
Washington to restore harmony and to reconcile his opposers, 
the democratic party continued with unabating zeal, to publish the 
grossest and most insidious misrepresentations against every act 
of his administration. In the third year of the second term of hi? 
presidency, he evidently discovered that strong sensibility which 
the unqualified abuse of his opposers could not fail to excite. 
In a letter to Mr. Jefferson on this subject, he has the following 
remarks : — " Until the last year or two, I had no conception, that 
parties would or ever could go the' lengths I have been witness 
to ; nor did I believe until lately, that it was within the bounds of 
probability — hardly within those of possibility, that while 1 war- 
using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our 
own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would per- 
mit, of every nation of the earth ; and wished, by steering a stea- 
dy course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a deso- 
lating war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one nation? 
and subject to the influence of another ; and to prove it that eve- 
ry act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest 
and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made by giving 
one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated and 
indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero — to a no- 
torious defaulter) or even to a common pick-pocket." 

And who were the men that tortured every act of Washington's 
administration to prove that he was an enemy to France, and sub- 
ject to the influence of Great -Britain ? They were the men who 
directed and supported the National Gazette and other presses 
which hist denounced federal men : They were the men from 
whom you derived your evidence that Mr. Adams and Mr. Hamil- 



59 

ton were monarchists, and their political friends tories and British 
partizans. 

You say you believe in the integrity and republican virtue of 
Washington. Well you may : no one ever doubted of them. 
For he appeared to belong to, (if I may be permitted to use the 
expression) an higher order of beings i and actuated by motives 
purely disinterested, and in this respect distinguished from any, 
and* every other man whose life has been recorded. 

I well know therefore it must be mortifying to human pride, 
to be forced to acknowledge that your political prejudices, have 
been founded on opinions and sentiments, the evidence of which 
you have derived from the very men who, to bring into discred- 
it and disrepute, his political character and conduct, tortured 
every act of his administration, to induce the people to believe 
that he was partial to Great -Britain, and an enemy to France, 
and who to effect their diabolical purpose, have made the most 
insiduous misrepresentations of his measures, by giving only- 
one side of a subject, and that too in *e f most exaggerated and 
indecent terms. 

But history will be faithful to posterity. And however humil- 
iating to the pride of Americans, and to the dignity of man, the 
truth will be recorded, and transmitted to future generations 
through the long annals of ages to come, that the flames of 
CIVIL DISCORD were first enkindled among the people of 
the United States by the calumniators of Washington. 

But how comes it to pass that these men gained credit among 
the people, and succeeded in all their efforts to bring into dis# 
credit federal men and measures, except those which were di= 
reeled against Washington ? For they certainly denounced him 
and his policy with as much zeal, and apparent pretences to sin- 
cerity, as they did others ? 

The truth is, with respect to him you could not be deceived. 
Your sentiments respecting his political character were im« 
moveably fixed : you did not, you would not consult the opin- 
ions of others respecting his integrity— his wisdom, or the pu- 
rity of his motives. But with respect to others who were the 
authors of 'federal measures, you had no other source of in- 
formation on which you chose to rely for evidence of their pri- 
vate views and principles, but the declarations of those who op- 
posed these measures, or from the nature and effects of then 



60 

political conduct. Could you have known that those who first 
sounded the alarm, and excited your jealousy against federal 
men and measures, were the very men who were the revilers of 
Washington, the men who were making the most insidious 
misrepresentations of him and his views and policy, you cer- 
tainly would have doubted respecting, either their integrity or 
the correctness of their views. You must indeed have held 
them in disrepute and utter contempt, as men without integrity, 
without horror, and without correct views of political measures, 
or you must have discarded Washington himself, and consider- 
ed him as no longer entitled to your confidence, your gratitude 
or your respect. 

The authors of the present policy and its advocates, will at= 
tempt in vain to acquit themselves of the imputation of having 
been the political enemies of Washington and instrumental in 
subverting his policy and discarding his councils. Do they ex- 
pect it, by saying their political prejudices originated under the 
administration of Mr. Acfams ? But Washington has publicly an- 
nounced to them and to the world, that he most cordially approv- 
ed of the wise and prudent measures, as he is pleased to call them, 
of Mr. Adams' administration, and declared that, in his opinion, 
they ought to inspire universal confidence. Discard the wisdom 
and councils of Washington then, and erase them for ever from 
the record of your memory ; and to be consistent with yourselves 
you must be forced to do it ; and tell the world, that federalists 
lost your confidence, by the vices and errors of their political con- 
duct, during the presidency of Mr. Adams. In what did their vi- 
ces and errors consist ? They imposed taxes which were burden- 
some to the people, and you then said they were unnecessary. 
But suppose they were; the representatives of a majority then 
thought otherwise. You displaced them and have introduced 
new men called republicans, who have introduced different mea- 
sures and a new order of things. Your new men tax the people 
■without measure, and it may almost be said without mercy. You 
say it is necessary — the minority think otherwise : and it cannot 
be concealed at this time, that even a majority of the electors are 
of that opinion, although they may not openly avow it; and our 
republican rulers themselves acknowledge that they have indeed 
been unfortunate in their policy, but insist that, if they have com- 



61 

milted errors, they have been honest ones ; and above all evils 
warn you against that of confiding your national concerns to fede- 
ral men. They remind you of the sedition act, which in contempt 
of its authors, has been called the gag-law ; and this ought not 
to be passed over in silence. For in no one measure have the 
views and principles of federalists been more perverted than in 
the construction of this law ; and the effect of that pcrvorsion has 
been extensive and fatal. This was said to have for its object the 
abridgement of the liberty of speech and of the press ; and every 
attempt to execute it, was considered as proof of a disposition in» 
fluer.cedby the principles of despotic power. The electors wei*e 
told by their republican leaders, that the object of that law was to 
prevent the people from exposing the vices and errors of their 
rulers. Barefaced as this falsehood is, it was, and even to this 
day is believed by thousands of honest freemen, who never had 
any knowledge of the law or its object, but what they have deriv- 
ed from those, whose political efforts were made only to betray, 
mislead and excite ill founded jealousies, and thereby elevate 
themselves to power. The object of the act of congress, called 
the sedition act, was so far from abridging the liberty of speech 
and of the press, that express provision was made in the act, that 
if any person should be prosecuted for writing or publishing 
any libel against the goverment, it should be lawful for the 
person who was so prosecuted, upon trial of the cause, to give 
in evidence, in his defence, the truth of the matter contained in 
the publication, charged as a libel : And the jury who should try 
the cause, had a right to determine the law and the fact, under the 
direction of the court, as in other cases. The act made it crimi- 
nal to publish any false, scandalous, and malicious writing against 
the government for the purpose of destroying the confidence of 
the people in their rulers : and of bringing them into disrepute 
and contempt ; but prevented no one from speaking, writing and 
publishing the truth. Since Mr. Jefferson came into office, that 
law has not been in force ; but the old common law principle has 
been adopted in prosecutions for libels against the government 
■which makes it criminal to write or publish any thing which shall 
tend to bring the government into discredit and disrepute, how- 
ever true the facts may be, that are thus written and published. 
Under the sedition act, the citiawns had perfect liberty to write or 



publish the truth respcctirg their rulers ; but to do the same now, 
by the common law, which is the only rule in such cases, is crim- 
inal, and exposes those who shall do it, to punishment. Had the 
electors examined the nature and object of this law before they 
had condemned it, it would have had no effect in exciting prejudi 
ccs against its authors ; and this may be said with truth, respect- 
ing all the measures of the federal administration. 

It is evident the people of this country did not duly consider 
the importance of making every effort to guard against the 
evils of party dissensions in the infancy of our republic. They 
did not wisely weigh the consequences of creating against any 
considerable portion of their fellow-citizens, prejudices, which 
might be interminable in their duration and fatal in their effects. 
Since the dominion of party spirit commenced its progress 
over the minds of the republicans, they have been apprehensive 
of no danger but what resulted from the possibility that the per- 
secuted federalists might eventually prevail in the councils of 
the nation. Never was the world cursed with a more fatal or 
more mysterious delusion than that which has prevailed in this 
enlightened republic, within the last 25 years. And this has 
been the result of the abuse of that great bulwark of our liberty, 
the freedom of speech and of the press. The most important 
facts relating to our national concerns have been either conceal- 
ed, misconstrued or misrepresented. The people were at liber- 
ty to place their confidence in such men as they chose. They 
have placed, it is to be feared, a blind confidence in certain fa- 
vorites who have deceived them, and who still have an interest 
in continuing the delusion. In the first slumbers of the revolu- 
tion, the minds of the people seem to have been prepared for 
the reception of that fatal system of delusion and falsehood) 
which at that time was cunningly devised. When our govern- 
ment first went into operation, a general sentiment inspired our 
citizens with an unconquerable attachment to an elective go- 
vernment, and an abhorrence cf monarchy equally strong. The 
few individuals who opposed the revolution were called tories, 
were held in contempt and considered by the great body of the 
people as traitors and enemies to their country. 

The war which terminated in 1783, had left also in the bosoms 
of Americans a strong attachment to France : the services which 
had been rendered us by that country in our revolutionary 



63 



struggle were fresh in our recollection, and inspired our citi- 
zens with sentiments of affection and gratitude. 

But there was a difference of opinion respecting the influence 
which ought to be allowed to those sentiments over the politi- 
cal conduct of the nation. With such evident sentiments of 
partiality to France and such deep-rooted enmity to Great-Bri- 
tain, it required all the energy and wisdom of the administra- 
tion to prevent the nation from inconsiderately precipitating; 
itself into the war which had broken out between those two 
powers. 

In such a state of the public mind, the ingenuity of man could 
not have invented a more effectual and fatal excitement of the 
prejudices and the malignant passions against any of our citi- 
zens than by inducing the people to believe that they were mo* 
narchists,and had a predilection for the British government. 

Soon after th^ organization of the government, it was found 
that the opposers of the administration were disposed in out- 
commercial regulations, to make discriminations between France, 
and Great Britain in favor of the former ; while the whole ca 
binet council except Mr. Jefferson ; and also a great majority 
of congress were of the opinion, that no such discrimination 
ought to be made — " that trade ought to be guided by the judg- 
ment of individuals" — and that it was our duty as a wise people 
to adopt the maxim that with respect toother nations, we ought 
" in war only to be enemies, in peace, friends." Happily sepa- 
rated as we are from the belligerents of Europe, by a wide 
ocean, and having established a government on principles en 
tirely different from theirs, and peculiar to our o>n modes and 
habits of thinking and acting, it was thought that no considera- 
tion either of duty or interest would require us to pursue any 
measure, which should have a tendency to "entangle our peace 
and prosperity in the toils of European ambition — rivalship — in- 
terest — humor or caprice." 

Such were the views of the administration, with respect to 
our relations with Great Britain and France, when the war be- 
tween those powers commenced. Those men, therefore, who 
had been for a discrimination in favor of France, were of the 
opinion, that such were our obligations to that country, we could 
not be justified in taking a neutral, position. But subsequent 



64 

events have taught us, liow highly we ought to appreciate thai 
policy which saved us from the wretched condition, in which 
we must inevitably have been involved by an alliance with 
France, at that time; or by granting to her those favors for 
which the opposition contended. Yet no sooner was it known 
that the administration had determined on a neutral position, 
and the president had issued his proclamation of neutrality j 
than they were denounced as the enemies of republican liberty 
— the friends of monarchy and the obsequious devotees and das- 
tardly hirelings of despotism. 

It is evident that no measure could have contributed more to 
our national prosperity than that neutral policy, to which the 
federal administration ever inflexibly adhered. Yet this mea- 
sure, as well as every effort made by the administration of Wash- 
ington, to save us from the horrors of a foreign war, were re- 
presented as the effect of a criminal attachment to Great Bri- 
tain, and ungrateful hostility to France. 

During the administration of Mr. Adams, the French with- 
out any pretext of right but what they derived from their des- 
potic power, indiscriminately captured and destroyed our ves- 
sels, and would not even condescend to treat with us, unless, 
we would first pay them tribute money, for the privilege of 
humbly requesting them to desist from plundering our defence- 
less commerce, and, to add insult to injury ; ordered Mr. Pink- 
ney, our minister then in Paris, to depart from that city, in 
forty eight hours. This was tantamount to a declaration of 
Avar ; and to defend ourselves against their aggressions, and to 
redress our wfongs, a few troops were raised. The extraordi- 
nary expense, which this measure rendered indispensable, was 
represented by the democratic party as unnecessary and oppres- 
sive ; and cur differences with France at that time, which gave 
rise to it, were ascribed to an undue attachment to Great Bri- 
tain, and a disposition hostile to France and to republican liberty. 
The views which Washington had, at that time, of the war with 
France are stated in his letter* to Mr. Adams, on his accep- 
tance of the appointment of commander in chief of the 
armieV It will be found by an examination of this subject, 
■ our differences wit! time, and the evils 



'iVhich resulted from them, may be ascribed to the confidence* 
which the French had, in the aid they expected to derive from 
their party in this country, which was opposed to the adminis- 
tration, and to the neutral policy which it had endeavored to 
maintain.* 

It is a truth which cannot be concealed, that ever since the 
first organization of the government, the Opposers of federal 
men and measures, have been disposed to palliate the injuries 
which have been inflicted upon us by the French, while they 
have exaggerated those of the British beyond the bounds of rea- 
son and truth. 

The efforts of both Washington's and Adams' administration 
were exerted to counteract the effect of this unwise disposition, 
tending in its consequences to embroil us in foreign contests, 
and to defeat the great objects of that system of neutral policy, 
which they had adopted and were determined to support. Yet 
every effort that has been made for this purpose, has been repre- 
sented as the effect of a dangerous British influence in the coun- 
cils of the nation. 

In the vast and complicated system of delusion, of intrigue 
and of falsehood, by which the men in power have gained theif 
ascendency, and created those inveterate prejudices against 
federal men, the imputation of British influence among them, 
has had no unimportant effect. That allegation brought against 
the federalists, with such bare-faced impudence and supported 
with such persevering obstinacy, however glaring and improb- 
able the falsehood, has been attended with effects pernicious 
in the extreme. Like the pestilential mists of Hades, it ha» 
blighted into deformity that which was beauteous; it has darken- 
ed the prospects, and prostrated the energies of our once happy 
country. It had. been the firm resolution of the federal admin- 
istration not to involve us in a war with either of the belliger- 
ents, until all hope of reconciling any differences, which might 
exist had failed. 

With such views the administration under Mr. Adams, did 
not commence hostile operations against France, until that gov- 
ernment had ordered our minister to depart from that country, 
under circumstances highly insulting to the dignity of our gov- 
ernment. 

* Soe Washington's letter to Chartfi3 Carrol, p. 44 

I 



66 

Through the whole term of Washington's administrations 
Prance by her ministers and agents in this country had been 
indefatigable in her efforts to influence our government to adopt 
a system of policy partial to her interests. And after the war had 
broken out between that country and Great Britain, Mr. Genet 
the French minister, 30on after Ms arrival in the United States 
evinced his determination to treat this country, as one which was 
in alliance with his own, and thereby virtually involve us in their 
Contest with Great Britain. 

Immediately after his arrival, even before being recognized 
by our government as the French minister, " he undertook to 
authorize the fitting and arming vessels in our ports, enlisting 
men, and giving commissions to cruise, and commit hostilities on 
nations with whom the United States were at peace.'* About 
this time an event took place that places on the record of our 
history the most conclusive evidence of the falsehood of the asser- 
tion that the federal administration have been influenced by mo- 
tives partial to the interest of Great Britain, and of their fixed 
determination to adhere to that neutral policy which they con- 
sidered as the surest pledge of our future peace and prosperity, 

A British merchantman called the Little Sarah, had bees 
captured by a French frigate and brought into the port of Phil- 
adelphia where she had been armed and equipped as a privateer. 
Being completely armed and manned, partly by Americans, she 
was about to sail on a cruize under the name of La Petit Demo- 
crat. In pursuance of the regulations whiefc had been made by 
the President to prevent the fitting out armed vessels in our 
ports, Mr. Secretary Dallas was sent to prevail on Mr. Genet to 
desist from such a proceeding, and thereby prevent the employ- 
ment of force to compel an acquiescence in our fixed regulations. 
On receiving the message he peremptorily refused a compli- 
ance with the requisition ; and said that if any attempt was made 
to seize the vessel, she would unquestkmably repel force by 
force. In consequence of this positive refusal to comply, a suf- 
ficient portion of the militia were ordered out by the governor for 
the purpose cf taking possession of the vessel; and the case 
was communicated by him to the executive. The next day- 
Mr. Jefferson waited on Mr. Genet, in the hope of prevailing 
on him, if not to desist entirely, from the prosecution of his at- 
tempt, at least to defer it till the arrival of the President, who 
^as then at Mount Vernon, After much outrageous and abusive 



language, he concluded by making some remarks which gave 
to Mr. Jefferson an impression, that the vessel would not sai! un- 
til the arrival of the President. This interview with Mr. Genet 
"he imparted to governor Mifflin, in consequence of which he dis» 
missed the militia. 

Yet notwithstanding the favorable hopes and expectations 
that bad been excited, the Little Democrat sailed before the ar- 
rival of the President, and before the government could inter- 
pose its authority, and in contempt of our laws, proceeded on 
her cruize. The President immediately arrived and eonvened 
his cabinet, and while they were deliberating on measures pro- 
per to be taken relating to the Little Democrat, they had deter- 
mined to retain inponall vessels equipt as privateers, withia 
our territories by any of the belligerent powers. Among the 
ships enumerated to be retained, was the ship Jane, a British 
armed merchantman, declared by Mr. Genet to be a privateer. 
An enquiry was made in relation to this vessel, and it was found 
that she had considerably increased her armament, by replacing; 
old gun carriages with new ones, and opening two new port 
holes. The British minister requested that these alterations 
might be allowed to remain. But his request was peremptorily- 
rejected ; and in compliance with the requisitions of the govern- 
ment, she was restored precisely to the condition in which she 
entered the port. 

Thus did our government, when administered by federal men^, 
deal with Great Britain, while the minister of France insulted 
the officers.of our government, and the majesty of the people s 
and openly set at defiance, our laws and regulations, with im- 
punity. The rulers of France have since been changed, but 
their policy and their object, which has been the attainment of 
universal dominion, has never been changed. The same poli- 
cy, the same unwarrantable and lawless presumption, which 
characterised that government, whether administered by a na- 
tional Directory or a consular cabinet, has marked its progress 
from the reign of the unfortunate Louis, to that of its imperial 
tyrant. Neither has the attachment of many of our citizens, to 
French republicans, in any degree abated. The object of a 
war with England, which should end in the destruction of that 
government and open the way to universal dominion for the 
pretended friends of liberty in America and France has never 
hem abandoned. And may the honest hopes of those who an- 



6S 

ticipate and who would perpetuate the universal dominion oi're* 
publican liberty, not be disappointed. 

But it ever has been found and it is believed, that experience 
a'ways will teach mankind, that, although by courage they may 
purchase Jiberty, yet without wisdom and virtue, its duration 
cannot be perpetual. 

But has wisdom, has virtue marked the course and progress 
of our republic thus far ? Are our liberties secure, because we 
possess the power of remaining free ? So thought Greece ; but 
where are her liberties now? The Romans also might have 
been free : but where are they ? Their freedom too, has perish- 
ed. — Frenchmen thought they were free, and that their liber- 
ties were immortal: but whore are they? ask Napoleon: and 
he too is a republican 1 and ence possessed the power of ma- 
king millions free. Ask Frenchmen: they will tell you, that 
they have been ruled by successive factions, until the last more 
powerful than the rest, triumphed by the sword. And do you, 
my fellow-citizens, believe, that your republican liberties are 
secure, because there is wisdom and virtue among the people ? 
But have our wisest and best citizens, always directed the des- 
tinies of our country ? it will be acknowledged they have not. 

And it is said, that in a free republic, where all enjoy equal 
rights, those who are less wise and virtuous than others, ought 
sometimes to participate in the exercise of the sovereign pow- 
er : and should any evil result from a weak or vicious adminis- 
tration, we may always find a remedy, in the good sense of the 
nation. But suppose the majority of the people are under the 
absolute dominion of passion and prejudice: neither good 
sense, nor even common sense can prevail — neither can the 
voice of truth or reason be heard. While parties exist, the 
majority will contend that their voice is the good sense of the 
nation. The Romans boasted of their liberties, while they suf- 
fered under the despotism of the most despicable tyrants, that 
ever cursed the condition of man. And Cicero himself, with all 
his boasted talents and good sense, pleased the Roman people 
by tellinp; them only six months before Octavius overturned the 
commonwealth, " that it was not possible for the people of Rome 
to be slaves, whom the gods had destined to the command of 
all nations." 

By taking a review of the history of our republic, it will ea- 
sily be seen whether the wisdom, the virtue, or good sense of 
\>he nation has prevailed thus far over folly, vice and absurdity. 



6& 

Some evidonce has been adduced in the preceding pages, to 
show that the charge of British influence against federalists it: 
false and absurd. For proof of this, it might have been sufficient 
to appeal to the common sense and reason of mankind. That 
the very men, who achieved our independence, and who, in the 
acquisition of it, had patiently endured the privations and suf- 
ferings of a long and bloody conflict — who had also made eve- 
ry effort in their power, to form a constitution of civil govern- 
ment, agreeable to their own views and wishes, and which was 
itself the surest pledge for the security of their dearest rights 
and those of their posterity: that these men should, without 
any discoverable motives, at once lose their attachment to those 
principles, which they had so strenuously labored to defend, 
and become the devoted partisans of that monarchy from which 
they had solemnly absolved themselves, is contrary to the plain- 
est dictates of reason and common sense. And yet thousands 
of our honest citizens have believed, and even yet believe it to 
be true. 

But in this monstrous tissue of deception and absurdity, who 
are the witnesses ? The very men who bring forward the accu- 
sation ; — and it is evident, from subsequent events, that those 
men had a deep interest in bringing into discredit, those they 
accused ; that they might, thereby acquire to themselves, the 
emoluments of office. 

You, fellow-citizens, who have believed, that federalists were 
monarchists and British partizans, have never had any other 
evidence of the fact, than that which you have derived from. 
the declarations of those who have brought forward the accu- 
sation. Those who have spread ill founded jealousies and false 
alarms against the federalists, and thereby enkindled the flames 
of civil discord among the people to elevate themselves to pow- 
er, must have been destitute of both wisdom and virtue. You, 
who have been the honest and unsuspecting dupes of this gross 
and fatal delusion, are indeed the subjects of compassion — 
And it is to you that we would most cheerfully lend our aid in 
your attempts to break through the thick, dark cloud of error 
and falsehood, which has long intercepted your view of the 
truth ; and which even now threatens with destruction your fair- 
est hopes and your best interests, in the final extermination of 
republican libertr 



.to 

Sor it is on you, fellow-citizens, that we rely, for the eleva- 
tion of men to office, who possess wisdom and virtue ; without 
which, it is believed, republican liberty cannot be long perpe- 
tuated. 

And can you, on examination of the subject, believe that it 
is in such men, that you have placed your confidence and con- 
fided the destinies of your country ? You have already seen 
from facts, which cannot be doubted and from, evidence which 
is irresistible, that the men to whom, by your suffrages, you 
have entrusted the sovereign power, have grossly deceived and 
wickedly betrayed you. You every day witness the evils, which 
their miserable policy has inflicted on your suffering, bleeding 
country — You see your government, in consequence of that 
policy, already far advanced in the downward road of fallen re- 
publics. And can you yet think that these men possess that 
wisdom and virtue, so necessary to the preservation of our 
safety, and the perpetuity of our civil institutions ? You must 
indignantly answer, No, they are not only unworthy of our con- 
fidence, but they merit our execration. 

That one half of our citizens should array themselves against 
the other, and with the most inveterate prejudices, excited bv 
falsehoods the most improbable and absurd, and should reward 
the authors of those falsehoods by their most unbounded confi- 
dence, in bestowing upon them, the first offices of responsibili* 
ty and trust, can be ascribed to nothing but the power of a 
delusion, the most mysterious and fatal. Striking is this delu- 
bion in its resemblance, and more fatal in its effects, than that 
which doomed to an ignominious death, the wretched inhabi- 
tants of Salem, for the supposed crime of witchcraft. It wkl 
doubtless be recollected by some of our readers, that in an ear- 
)y period of our history, some of the good people of Salem, 
in the then colony of Massachusetts, discovered that that town 
was infested with witches — and to prove it, said they had seen 
them, and suffered by their witchcrafts. 

In that period of our history it appears, that the evidence of 
the accuser was admitted as competent on the trial of. these un- 
fortunate victims of delusion ; and on such evidence only, great 
numbers of the most respectable citizens of that town were con- 
signed to death for the supposed crime of witchcraft. But so of- 
ten and so indiscriminately were these strange accusations made, 
that it led to an apprehension, that, in that mysterious business, 



7J 

there might be " something rotten in the state of Denmark p 
and on a review of the origin and progress of that event, it was 
found that no evidence but that of the accuser had ever been ex- 
hibited against the unfortunate victims who had suffered, and that 
no other person had ever seen witches in Salem. The scales fell 
from the eyes of the judges, the people were enlightened, and 
the delusion and horrors of Salem witchcraft came to an end. 
Neither has any other evidence ever been exhibited, to prove that 
our country is infested with monarchy-loving federalists, but that of 
those, by whom these unfortunate citizens have been accused ; on 
the evidence of those, whom subsequent events have shewn, had 
an interest in denouncing them : neither has any other person 
ever discovered them. 

I would not be thought disposed to treat the great concerns 
which relate to the public peace and welfare, with the least degree 
of levity. But it is a duty which we owe to the honor of our 
country, and to the dictates of reason and truth, to expose in all 
their deformity, the absurd falsehoods of those who have distract- 
ed and ruined the councils of tnis once happy republic, by the ri- 
diculous story of British influence. 

The vices and errors which have marked the course of our re- 
public thus far, must be abandoned, or we are lost. If we disre- 
gard the great and immutable principles, to which republics ne- 
cessarily owe their existence, and duration, we cannot expect to 
perpetuate our own. 

It was an unparalleled display of wisdom and virtue that gave 
to the constitution of our republic, its existence ; and when- 
ever that wisdom and virtue shall become extinct, or yield their 
influence to the dominion of vice and error, the ties which bind 
that constitution to the affections of the people will instantly dis- 
solve, and anarchy will succeed, and despotism finally triumph. 

It has been observed that thus far we have travelled step by 
step the downward course of fallen republics. To the truth of 
this let history attest. No republic has ever fallen, without being 
first torn asunder by party dissensions. 

Washington, when he made his last, address to his country was 
deeply impressed with this truth, and warned the people in the 
most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of party spirit. 
It is evident he had seen and felt the mischiefs vesulting from 
party dissensions, when, in his letter to Mr. Jefferson, written five 
years before., he remarked that, " if instead of laying our shoul- 



dcrs to the machine after meaaures arc decided on, one pulh thio 
way, and another that, before the utility ot the thing iu iairljr 
tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder ; and in my opinion the 
fair st prospect that ever was presented to man, will be lost per- 
haps for ever."* Thus it is that the administration is enteebied 
and exposed to foreign influence, corruption, and eventual ruin. 
When a party, to gain popularity, and acquire the ascendency iu 
the councils of the nation, have arraigned and condemned the 
measures of government, to be consistent with their professions, 
after they have succeeded in getting the power ol the state into 
their hands, they must change the policy of their predecessors 3 
Thus, before the utility of former measures are fairly tried, and 
which perhaps have been adopted at great expense, a new p;;,icy 
must be introduced, equally expensive, and uncertain too with 
respect to its operation, and always liable 'o be ruined in its very- 
infancy, by the next successful faction, which is continually ex- 
erting itself to defeat its operations. Such a state of things en- 
courages foreign aggression, insult and violence ; and in tht event 
of a foreign war, one party will always be charged with the crime, 
of adhering to the common enemy ; and if accused wrongluliy, 
they will be impelled by a just sentiment of indignation to bring 
into contempt and discredit their accusers : and their efforts to 
effect this, if their numbers are considerable, will obstruct, if not 
entirely defeat the operations of government against the common 
enemy. Such events have ever marked the course of fallen re» 
publics, and thus far have marked cur own. 

From the first moment our government went into operation, 
the political conduct of the party in power, has throughout been 
distinguished by one prominent feature which has imposed an in- 
fluence, resistless thus far in its progress, anu fatal to the peace, 
the happiness, and glory of our infant republic. 

Those who have directed the anti-federal administration, have 
from the beginning evinced a disposition to favor the views of the 
French nation against her enemies ; to justify this disposition 
they have sought for motives in considerations of gratitude for 
her services rendered us in the revolution, ry war : in a uivon of 
eentiments and pursuits, between that country and our own, and 
as resulting from these, a just and interminable hostility against^ 
Great Britain, her most formidable rival. 

This disposition the federalists never have, for a moment ir.dul- 

' '' ' I 



;ed, but ever have, and will, while they have life and reason, op* 
•yose by ..II lawful means within their power. 

None of these motives, ought to influence the political views 
of an American, who understands, and would promote the inte- 
rest of his country. What debt of gratitude do we owe to 
Trance ? She offered us her services on certain stipulations with 
which we have complied. She doubtless wished to cripple the 
power of Great Britain, by lopping off from her empire the Ame» 
rican colonies ; but it is evident by her interference, in our nego- 
ciations with that country, she intended we should be so mangled 
and moddled by the incision, that we should eventually adhere to 
her own. She had an interest in aiding us ; we never had. and 
probably never shall, have any interest in hazarding our peace and 
safety, in her contests for dominion. It is indeed folly for any na» 
tion to expect disinterested favors from another. " There can be 
no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from 
nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, 
which a just pride out^ht to discaid."* 

Neither do the federalists believe, that there is any resemblance 
between the pursuits and sentiments of Frenchmen, and those of 
Americans, or any other nation, who have any just ideas of ration- 
al liberty. Every one who knows any thing of the history of that 
country, well knows, that, from the commencement of their revo= 
lution, to that of the imperial dynasty, successive factions have 
enslaved and oppressed the people, until Napoleon seized the 
throne and sceptre, and triumphed by the sword. 

We therefore can have no motive, from considerations of sym- 
pathy and affection for Trance, to hate Great Britain, or make war 
upon her, because France would have it so. And experience has 
taught us the folly of consulting the vie,ws of a foreign despot* 
with respect to the expediency of making war on Great Britain, 
to compel her to respect our neutral rights. 

The declaration of war against Great Britain, was itself a most 
base and servile surrender of these neutral rights to France. Al- 
though France was the first to violate our neutral rights, yet our 
government tamely submitted to her depredations on our com- 
merce for more than a year ; and no sooner had Great Britain 
by her Orders in Council committed a similar act of aggression, 
than France is told by our administration, that if she will do us 
the justice to desist from plundering us, we would enter the lists 

* See Washington's Farewell Address. 
K 



< . 

with her against Great Britain. This looks like French influ- 
ence ! The plain language of that shameful business is this. If 
France •will permit us to enjoy our neutral rights, we will, sub- 
mit to a much greater evil, by involving ourselves in a war with 
England. You may talk of the abuses of British power, as long, 
and as loud as you please, they never will surrender their: mari- 
time rights to an administration which, are the most devoted and 
servile partizans of her enemy. 

There is foreign influence in the councils of the nation, but it 
is purely French, and ever has been. There never was through 
the whole course of the federal administration, a single measure, 
which was in any degree controuled or effected by British in- 
fluence. The policy which Washington and his political friends 
had marked out, was intended to exclude foreign influence, en- 
tirely from the councils of the nation, as one of the most fatal 
foes of republican liberty. And with these views, they had wisely 
adopted that system of neutrality, which, has perhaps been pro- 
ductive of more blessings to the United States, than any one mea- 
sure since the organization of our government. Yet every effort 
to carry this system into effect, has been ascribed to British in 
fiuence. 

It is a truth, which the history of our political state will clear- 
ly demonstrate, that ever since the commencement of the war be- 
tween Great Britain and France, the republican party, at least the 
most influential and active leaders, have evinced by their political 
conduct, a disposition to entangle us in an alliance with France. 

Excessive hatred to Great Britain, and partiality for France, 
has been the most prominent feature, in the republican adminis- 
tration. While the blood of the best citizens in France was sa- 
crificed to the rage of an infuriated mob, our republicans were 
celebrating her victories, and exulting in her emancipation from 
the tyranny of kings.* She was represented as the great nation 

* On the first day of May 1795, at a civic feast in Philadelphia, which 
ittended by a great number of American citizens, to celebrate die vic- 
tories of France, and which was honoured by the presence of the Minister 
and Consul of the French Republic, and the Consul of Holland then subdued 
by the arms of France ; the following toasts ;imong others were given, which 
will furnish a just idea of the prevailing spirit of those times. 

The Republic of France — May the shores of Great-Britain soon hail the 
iri-coloured standard, and Uie people rend die air with shouts long live the 
republic. 

This shows that the object of French and American republicans at that 
time n xs, the conquest of Great-Britain : that object has not been abandoned- 

T/te Repxdjlic of France — May all free nations learn of her to transfc 



destined by heaven* not only to burst asunder her own chains, 
but to complete and perpetuate the triumphs of liberty through* 
out the world. 

When application was made to our government by the t ^rich 
minister for anticipation of an instalment of the French debt, be- 
fore it was due, and there was no money in the United States trea- 
sury to pay more than the current expenses and the interest of the 
public debt ; a democratic member on the floor of Congress said, 
there would be no merit in paying only when it was due and when 
it was convenient to pay ; he rejoiced, he said, that America could 
strain her means, and hazard something to shew her gratitude. 

There was at that time, among the democrats, apparently much 
more solicitude for the welfare of the French republic, than for our 
own. Nothing but an inflexible adherence to the policy of neu- 

their attachment from men to principles, and from individuals to the peo- 
ple. 

Since the commencement of the French revolution, republican principles 
have never prevailed in that country against the most relentless tyranny of a 
few individuals. 

The Republic of France — May her example in the abolition of titles and 
splendor, be a lesson to all republics to destroy those leavens of corruption. 

Old titles have been abolished in France since the revolution, but new 
ones created equally inconsistent with republican liberty. 

The Republic of Holland — May her two sisters the republics of France 
and America, form with her an invincible triumvirate in the cause of liberty. 

Tite Republic of Holland — May that government which they are about es- 
tablishing have neither the balances of aristocracy, nor the checks of mon- 
archy. 

la this may be discovered the hostility to our present constitution, on ac- 
count of the senate and chief magistrate which I have before noticed : — the 
balance of aristocracy has reference to the senate, and the checks of monar- 
chy to the office of president. 

The Republic of America — May the aristocracy of wealth founded upon 
the virtues, the toils, and the blood of her revolutionary armies soon vanish 
and like the baseless fabric of a dream leave not a wreck behind. 

The aristocracy of wealth, alludes to the funding system, by which, the 
wealth of many individuals was increased, who had purchased public secu- 
rities at a discount : this wealth could not be taken from these individuals 
without violating the fundamental principles of justice and public faith. 

The ^Republic of America.— May her government have public good for its 
object, and be purged of the dregs of sophisticated republicanism. 

The Republic of America — May the alliance formed between her and 
France acquire vigor with age, and that man be branded as the enemy of 
liberty who shall endeavour to weaken or unhinge it. 

Federalists ever have opposed an alliance with France— how justly this 
should brand them with the imputation of being the enemies of liberty let 
the people judge. 

The Republic of America — May her administration have virtue enough to 
defy the ordeal of patriotic" societies, and patriotism enough to cherish in- 
stead of denouncing them, 

Patriotic societies ; these were the democratic societies formed a short 
time before under the direction oi Mr. Genet the French minister. 



trallty, would have saved U3 from the horrors ol that war in which 
France was engaged against the combined powers of Europe. 

For the most flagrant abuses, and lawless depredations commit- 
ted T^ 10 ^ ranee on our defenceless commerce, scarcely a complaint 
has been uttered by ourn publican rulers.; and whenever it has 
been, it has been easy to discover from the cautious mode oi ex- 
pression on that subject, that it was done only to save appearan- 
ces, and preserve their popularity ; rather than the result of a 
sentiment of just indignation, for unmerited wrongs, while our 
language has been ransacked and tortured, to find words expres- 
sive of their contempt and hatred of the British government. 

For such a discrimination between these two nations, the fede- 
ralists could never find motives, either in reason or sound policy. 
They have therefore opposed it, and warned the people of its 
fatal tendency, to prevent a reconciliation with Great Britian, if 
not to involve us eventually in a war. 

But for their warnings they have been reproached, and every 
effort which they have made to establish a national character, in- 
dependent of every nation of the earth, and to preserve the conn- 
try from the horrors of a desolating war, has been ascribed to 
British influence. This pitiful story of British influence has ex- 
cited prejudices which have now been so long predominant, that 
the honest electors can give no account of their origin or pro- 
gress. 

Yet to this strange delusion we may ascribe our fatal divisions : 
which while they have encouraged foreign aggression, have by 
distracting the councils of the republic, enfeebled the means, if 
not rendered the power of resistance ineffectual. 

And now when at last all are convinced of the baneful conse- 
quences of our politico! dissensions, we find that our republican 
rollers are even .more clamorous than ever in their efforts t> ex- 
cite the prejudices, the passions and the jealousy of the people 
against federal men. They call on them to aid in fighting the 
British nation ! 

But can they expect federalists will fight and destroy those they 
30 ardently love : and to whose government they have, as they 
are represented, such an invincible attachment ? You, fel'ow-citi- 
zens, have been told millions of times, that the federalists wish- 
ed to become recolonized : or to establish a government in New- 
England, similar to that of Great-Britain. If this is true, why 
do they not at this lime make an etfort to do it ? There certainly 
never was, and probably never will be a more favorable oppoytu 



nity to effect such a purpose. Were the federalists to unite their 
force to the Canadian provinces and the other armies of Great 
Britain, they would stand the lug of war, at least beyond thedu- 
ration of Mr. Madison's life or energies. But if shame had not 
lost its power on these dcclaimers of British influence, the con- 
duct of the federalists, would strike them dumb with confusion. 

Instead of aiding the enemy, you see them braving death and 
danger in the field of battle, that they may expel from our bor- 
ders, the hirelings and subjects of that nation by whose influence 
you sav federalists are governed ! ! 

And if this country is ever saved from the tyranny of Great 
Britain or France, if it is ever saved from the miserable degraded 
condition to which it has been reduced, by intrigue, by falsehood, 
by cowardice, by hypocrisy, and villany, it will be saved by fede- 
ral men: Not all the efforts of a weak or deluded faction, aided 
by the hirelings, tools and sycophants of the imperial tyrant, can 
ever extinguish in them the fire which glowed in the breasts of 
their illustrious ancestors : they will yet exhaust the last power 
of nature, that they may transmit unimpaired to posterity our 
free constitution and all those privileges of freemen purchased 
by the courage, the toil and blood of their fathers : they are the 
men who achieved cur independence, who fought and suffered 
with Washington, and who are still ready to fight and to tie, in 
support of that policy which he recommended. And while they 
" at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and 
■would meet invasions of the public order as their own personal 
concern," they will with equal zeal oppose by all lawful means, 
the weak or wicked policy of our own rulers whenever it shall 
tend to subvert the great ends of government, and bring misery 
and ruin on the present and future generations. 

The policy of the last fourteen years has been gradually though 
unceasingly draining the souuecs of our wealth, reducing the 
strength, and impairing the credit of the nation. But since the 
commencement of the present war, it has progressed to our ruin 
■with bold and rapid strides : and the toil and wealth of an age has 
been sacrificed to the administration of a year. Yet such a sacri- 
fice great as it is, would cheerfully be made to advance the glory 
and interest of the republic. 

When federalists humbly ask, in what way present measures 
are to advance this interest of our country, our rulers tauntingly 
reply, we are not accountable to the minority: when they ask 
■what glory is to be derived from a war without some probable 



ground to hope that the ostensible object for whichit is declared, 
■will thereby be attained, we are insultingly told, that if it is not 
attained, the failure will be ascribed to the partisans of the ene- 
my, the federalists. 

So long as every evil which may result from the vices or errors 
of rulers, is to be ascribed to a large portion of the citizens and 
to them only, it is in vain to anticipate the blessings, or the dura- 
tion of republican liberty. 

It has long been believed, that nothing would save us from 
the dangers which result from a blind confidence in rulers, but 
actual suffering inflicted by their folly or vices. Then it is that 
« lethargic indolence is roused," and if it is not roused by con- 
vulsions, we have reason to hope that reason and virtue may tri- 
umph over passion and prejudice. 

The policy of the last fourteen years has been founded in error 
and delusion, audit must be totally renounced; and you, my fel- 
low-citizens, must go back to the days of Washington and com- 
mence anew your political career. You must go back to that hap- 
py period, when your only enquiry, your only solicitude, respec- 
ting candidates for office, were respecting their wisdom and their 
integrity, and not the insignificancy of a name : and as in the 
presence of your God and under that awful influence imposed by 
the fate of millions and millions yet unborn, make a final sacri- 
fice of your passions and your prejudices on the altar of patriot- 
ism. And with the stent integrity of virtuous freemen, you must 
resolve that your future efforts shall be devoted to the interests 
of your country, and not to the paltry views of any political sect, 
bv whatever specious name, it may be called. Remember that 
republican liberty is on its last and final trial. Republican virtue 
has been corrupted by the baneful influence of party spirit, and 
it must be regenerated. 

That wise, firm, independent, and patriotic policy, which was 
recommended both by the precept and example of Washington, 
is the only systrm which can encourage us even to hope with con- 
fidence for any great duration to our republic. And in this it is 

: ved you have placed your most sanguine hopes, your firm- 
est confidence. 

Your leaders, while they have claimed the popularity of his 
name, have induced many of you to believe that he was their po- 
litical friend : while they have been elevated to power on the 
ruins of that very policy which he approved and which you once 
lly hoped would stand against the rage of faction, and of pas- 
. ion, and endure forever. 



79 

It will be found on a candid review of our political state, that 
the leaders of the party in power, have falsely ascribed that poli- 
cy to British influence, and thereby succeeded by the power of 
delusion only, in subverting it, and driving its authors from the 
councils of the nation. 

To prove that the political conduct of the leaders of the party 
in power was opposed to the views and policy of Washington, 
you have been referred to his own testimony, contained in letters* 
written by him to the officers of government, as well as to his 
private friends. And if you doubt their authenticity, make a 
pilgrimage to Mount Vernon, that sacred deposit, where you 
may find the truth recorded by that hand which withered in the 
service of his country. Go to that venerable mansion, once the 
abode of him, who lived only that you might be free and happy, 
and whose spirit has ascended to heaven : and from that pure 
source, search for truth : and if your prejudices are not veiled 
with darkness impenetrable as adamant, a light as from heaven's 
own altar, will dissipate the clouds of error, of falsehood, and de- 
lusion, which have bewildered your long and dreary way, through 
the course of the last fourteen years. And had not the laws of 
God, and of nature, imposed on the tomb an inviolable silence, 
the voice of Washington would warn you in thunders, to restore 
his councils, if you would perpetuate your liberties. 

Those councils are contained in his last affectionate address to 
his fellow-citizens. And that man who would not devote every 
effort in his power to restore them must be dead to sensibility, 
to patriotism, to the interest, the honor and glory of his coun- 
try. 

* " The following extract from a letter written to general Knox the day 
before the termination of his office, exhibits the sentiments with, which he 
contemplated this event, and with which he viewed the unceasing calumnies 
with which his whole administration continued to be aspersed. 

" To the wearied traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending his 
oody to lean thereon, 1 now compare myself; but to be suffered to do this 
in peace, is too much to be endured by some. To misrepresent my motives 5 
to reprobate my politics ; and to weaken the confidence which has been re- 
posed in my administration ;....are objects which cannot be relinquished by 
those who will be satisfied with nothing short of a change in our political 
system. The consolation, however, which results from conscious rectitude, 
and the approving voice of my country unequivocally expressed by its re- 
presentatives. ...deprives their sting of its poison, and places in the same point 
of view both the weakness and malignity of their efforts. 

" Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and 
I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, 
yet I am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to 
meet) the few intimates whom I lev* he as ;ured vou are one " 



No. 3. 



Wanton and unnecessary wars have in every age and nation 
been the horrid instruments, in the hands of government, of sub- 
verting liberty and reducing to wretchedness the condition of man. 

POLITICAL DELUSION TRIUMPHANT. 



The horrible agitations which have distracted the councils and 
threatened the safety of the republic, have at length subsided. 

The joy at the return of peace results from the irresistible im- 
pulse of nature and humanity. 

We rejoice because the blood of our slaughtered citizens no 
longer flows in vain. 

We rejoice because the ruin of our national wealth and credit 
is arrested in ics fatal progress: and that the countless blessings 
of peace have succeeded the horrors of a ruinous and hopeless 
war. 

But could not these blessings have been preserved, could they 
not have been as weli enjoyed without this dreadful sacrifice of 
blood and treasure? Are our citizens wiser or more happy, or 
^re their rights better secured than they were at the commence- 
ment of the late war ? These are serious questions and they must 
be answered. 

History has taught us that in every age and nation wanton and 
unnecessary wars have been the horrid instruments of subvert- 
ing liberty, and reducing to wretchedness the condition of man. 
Does it not become our duty then as a wise people to inquire with 
deep solicitude whether the evils resulting from the late war have 
produced any good? and if not, why they have been inflicted? 
An offensive war should be the last resort of injured nations, and 
to which recourse should not be nod except in extreme cases, 
•when the peace, the safety and rights of the people are put in 
jeopardy. 

But it cannot be considered expedient by a wise and virtuous 
people in any circumstances to declare Avar even when the cause 
would justify resistance, unless there is at least some ground to 
hope, that the ir.ju red nation will be able thereby to redress her 
svro! 

This last proposition is denied by modern politicians both in 



81 

Europe and America. Who contend that independent nations 
ought to fight, when their national honor is assailed, however, 
it may affect the interests or happiness of the people. Under 
the influence of this principle, the rulers of Europe have for 
ages compelled their miserable subjects to fight for the blessings 
of national honor. But on whom do these blessings rest ? not 
on the wretched multitude who figlit and die, but on the few lord- 
ly tyrants who direct the war : and who prate continually about 
national honor. 

But whenever the rulers of a free people declare a war which 
is more destructive to their interest and happiness than the injury 
complained of, for which resistance is made : or when there is 
no probable ground to hope that the injured nation will be able 
thereby to redress her wrongs; such rulers, could never in the 
event of such a war, expect either success or glory. Such were 
the circumstances attending the commencement of the late war, 
that no one but the most blind and stupid votary of present meas» 
ures could presage, in its event, any thing better than disgrace 
and defeat. 

At that fatal cuisis, such was the situation of the United States, 
and that of the belligerents of Europe, that we could expect no 
advantage, but had much to fear from taking a part in their con- 
test. France equally with Great-Britain had violated our neu- 
tral rights. Those lights we shamefully surrendered to France, 
by selecting the latter for our enemy, and thereby violated the 
pure maxim " equal and exact justice to all nations." Besides 
in doing it we could not avoid an entangling alliance with France, 

But supposing by uniting our efforts with France, we had sue- 
ceeded, even in subjugating the power of Great-Britain, and Na- 
poleon had taken possession of her thousand ships. Would he 
have given liberty to the seas, and peace to our country ? Praised 
be the ruler of the universe, that we have escaped the horrible 
grasp of his iron hand. 

But when it is considered that the unbounded ambition of Na- 
poleon, had driven the nations of Europe to madness, it was not 
difficult to foresee that the event of his downfall was more than 
probable, and that, in such an event, we should be left to contend 
alone, with the most powerful nation on the globe. Such was the 
condition to which we were reduced. 

Do you not see then, fellow-citizens, that our administration 
had staked the success of their arms eventually;, on the surces* 

I. 



ol fifapoleon, and thereby entangled us in the destructive policy 
of the belligerents of Europe ? Of this yon must be convinced 
\vhen you recollect the fact, that Mr. Madison rejected the prof- 
fer of an armistice rpade by Great-Britain, on any other terms 
than that she would first yield the very point in issue with regard 
to impressment ;* a point which he well knew she would not 

* There is no doubt but that the subjects 6f thegovefnmentof Great Britain, 
in lllafty instancies abuse the right which tin y chum, to impress their native sea- 
men, when found in neu tral ships. — But the great question is, bow far the exer- 
cise of the rig-lit of impressment in the sense they contend for is an infringe- 
mentof out national sovereignty and independence. Great JJritsan found their 
light of impressment on two principles j one is, that all tlie members of 
the civil community are bound to each other by compact ; the other is, that 
one of the parties to this compact cannot dissolve it by his own act. When 
therefore one of her native citizens attempts to expatriate himself, without 
the consent of the government, they contend that they have a right to re. 
mand such citizen, and compel him to submit to the service and regulations 
Of his native country. Aral in this the government of the United States, of 
Great Britain, and France concur. There has been one case in which this 
principle has been the subject of legal abjudication, in the Supreme Com i 
of the United Slates. "In 1792, one Williams was commissioned by die 
p'rencb. Consul-General residing in America, as a lieutenant on board the 
Jupiter, a French seventy-four. The Jupiter sailed in the autumn of the 
same-year for Rochetort, where Williams was naturalized, renouncing l>n 
allegiance to the United Slates. After his naturalization, he was commis- 
sioned by the French Itepubhcfc a second lieutenant on hoard the French 
frigate, the Carom. He continued in the commission and service of France 
until die 27th of February, 1797, when he wa.s seized and arrested for ac- 
cepting 'a commission from the French Ripublick, to commit acts of vio- 
lence against die king of Great Britain, and his subjects, with whom we 
were at peace. Williams pleaded in justification h;s naturalization in Frahw , 
and his renunciation of hjs allegiance tO the United Stales. Chief Justic* 
EUs worth gave the following opinion. 

"The common law of this country remains the same as it was before tit" 
revolution. The present question is to be decided by two great princi- 
ples ; one is that all the members of the civil community are bound to each 
other bv compact, the other is, that one of fibc parties to this compact can- 
not dissolve it by his own act. The compact between oar community and 
its members is, that the community shall protect its members, and on the 
part of the members, that they will' at all times be obedient to the la\ 
the community and faithful in its defence. This compact distinguishes ou* 
government from those which are founded in violence pr fraud. It necessa- 
rily results that a member cannot dissolve this compact, without the corraeni 
or default of the community. There h..s been no consenW-no default. 
Default is not pretended. Express consent is not claimed; but it lias been 
argued that the consent of the community is implied by its policy — its con- 
dition — and its acts. In countries so crowded with inhabitants, that the* 
mem toi* subsistence are difficult to b< obtained, it is reason and policy ta 
permit emi; , ,'i-..'i(<ii ; but our policy is different; for our country is but scarce- 
ly settled, a id we have no inhabitant* toUpare. 

" Coxsft$i h;.s been argued from the condition of the country, because w? 
were in a ace. But though we were in peace, the war had com- 

menced iu Europe. — We w.slied to have nothing te do with the war; but 
the w.tr would have something 'o do with us. It has been c\trcincly diffi- 
i'or us to hcej) out ol Uiis war : the progress of it has threatened to in- 
us. It has been necessary for our government to be vigtjsurt in te- 



8.1 

ickl to any but her conquerors: and that this very point wr-. ■ 
yielded by him, this mighty sine qua non, I his insurmountable 

obstacle to peace was removed on the 27th day of June, about one 
week alter the news of Bonaparte's abdication had reached this 
country in a shape so authentic, that it codld no longer admit oi 
a doubt. 

At the event of Napoleon's defeat, the federalists rejoiced, be 
cause they saw through it the approaching termination of an ex 
ecrable war. 

Federalists have no pretensions to the powers of prophecy, but 
they have firmly believed and predicted, that the excessive par- 
tiality to France and hostility to Great-Britain which has been the 
distinguishing feature through every period cf the republican 
administration, would eventually end in disaster and disgrace. 

'raining our own citizens from these acts which would involve us in hos- 
tilities. The most visionary writers on this subject do not contend for the 
principle, in Uie unlimited extent, that a citizen n»ay at any, Lad at all times, 
renounce his own, and join himself tcS a foreign country. 

" Cossbkt lias beenargued, from the acts of our government permitting 
the nati«alization of foreigners. When a foreigner presents himself here, 
a!id proves himself to bo of a good moral character, well affected to the 
dbnstitutioh and government of the United States, and a friend to the good 
order and happiness of civirstfejety j if he hia resided here the time pre- 
scribed by law, we grant him i he privileges of a citizen. We do not en- 
quire what his relation is to Ins own country ; we have not the means of" 
knowing, and the enquiry would be indelicate; we leave hiiH^tJT judge of 
that, if he embarrasses himself by contracting contradictory obligations, 
the fault and the folly are his own j but this implies no consent of the go- 
ernment, that our own citizens should expatriate themselves. 

" It is therefore my opinion, that the facts which the prisoner offers to 
prove in his defence, arc totally irrelevant; they can have no operation in 
law, and the jury ought not to be embarrassed or troubled with them ; 
but by the constitution of the court, the evidence must go to the jury." 

" The cause and the evidence were accordingly committed to the jury. 
The jury soon agreed on a verdict, and found the prisoner GUILTY; 

" The court sentenced him to pay a tine of 1000 dollars, and to suffer 
four months imprisonment." 

But itis said that when a citizen of Great Britain becomes naturalized by 
our laws, her right to claim the s< rvices of such citizen ceases. Our law 
relative to naturalization had its origin subsequent to that by which Great 
Britain claims the right to the services of he: - native subjects. Ifow far one; 
independent nation has a right by a municipal regulation to interfere with 
i pre-existing national right, of any other independent nation, although 
iuch national right as claimed, may be thought an infringement of natural 
right, is a great national question. I have made these remarks, and cited 
the case of Williams, to shew that it is not certain that even the British 
right of impressment which our administration would resist, at the hazard 
of our peace and happiness, would readily be yielded by cur own govern- 
ment, was our condition similar to that of Great Britain. — Federalists would 
not sanction the abuse of power, in any other nation, when it infringes on 
the rights of their own : neither would they sacrifice their national wealth 
vuid prosperity, in a hopeless pursuit of what i j falsely called national honor. 



And to complete trie climax of insult, of abuse, or suffering, 
and of delusion, we are lold that, from this war great and import- 
ant advantages have been derived to the country ! ! And what is 
more a matter of astonishment, many of our good and honest 
electors, either do, or at least pretend, to believe what is thus 
told them ! ! I 

It has been truly remarked tkat « the greatest evils are not ar 
rived at their utmost period, until those who are in power have 
lost all sense of shame ; at such a time, those who should obey 
shake oft* all respect and subordination ; then is lethargic indo- 
lence roused, but roused by convulsions." And have wc not rea- 
son to fear that such a period has already commenced. After a 
war of more than two years, declared by our own government, in 
which thousands and thousands of our fellow-citizens have fal- 
len by the sword and by pestilence: have been subjected to dis- 
ease and to death : in which our land has been filled with widows, 
with orphans, with sufferings and with tears. And a debt of mil- 
lions entailed on posterity which can be paid only by years of toil 
and pain, and when every object of this war had been yielded to 
the enemy, we have seen our chief magistrate in an official and 
public communication,* congratulating the representatives of the 
people, that peace was restored at a period when the causes ot 
war had ceased, and under circumstances that the nation could 
review its conduct without regret, and that thereby the govern 
xnent had demonstrated the efficiency of its power of defence : 
and recommending to the beneficence of the people the military 
and naval departments, which as he asserts, had contributed es- 
sentially to the restoration of peace ! ! 

At the time this communication was made, neither at any 
time since, has the British practice of impressment, nor the 
cause which produced it ever ceased. Neither could it be said 
that vhe achievements of our armies contributed essentially to the 

* See President Madison's Message to Congress Feb. 20th, 1815. 

The following is an extract from Mr. Madison's instructions to our minis- 
ters, before Bonaparte's defeat — " But the business of impressments cannot 
be waved, nor postponed, nor informally wrranged. It cannot be waved, be- 
cause it involves an infringement ot the national sovereignty and indepen- 
dence. It cannot be postponed, because being one of the main grounds oi" 
the war, the government cannot answer to the people, since the rejectionof 
Admiral Warren's proposition for a suspension ot hostilities, upon the basis 
of die repeal of tiie Orders in Council. It cannot be the subject of an in- 
formal arrangement, because the experience of Messrs. Monroe and Pinck- 
ney's arrangement has taught us, that such an understanduig cwnot b^ re 
lied upon, for any practical purpose." 



S3 

restoration of peace, when our peace is not better secured or bet- 
ter enjoyed than before the war. To say nothing of the incalcula- 
ble miseries which this war has occasioned. 

And is it no matter of regret, that these miseries have been in- 
flicted without any adequate object, and to no purpose ? 

And is it matter of congratulation that in a war declared by 
our own government, we have evinced our powers of defence 
against the enemy ? But the necessity of calling these powers of 
defence into exercise, we imposed on ourselves by commencing 
hostilities. 

Nothing which relates to the war can be a cause of congratu- 
lation, unless it is the attainment of some object of the war : one 
of which was, if Mr. Madison is correct, to evirtce, that we were 
able to defend ourselves against the enemy ! ! And suppose we 
have proved by the late war, that we are able, to defend, and have 
actually defended ourselves against the power of Great Britain> 
act the expense only of about ten thousand of the lives of our fel- 
low-citizens, and one or two hundred millions of dollars. No one 
v/ho has much knowledge of our resources, or the character of 
Americans, ever doubted of our ability to do this, without ma- 
king this dreadful sacrifice to prove it. And could the chief ma- 
gistrate of a free and enlightened people attempt this imposition 
on the common sense of the people, had he not lost all sense of 
shame ? Or can rulers who are thus insensible of shame, and re- 
gardless of the honor and interest of their country, expect still to 
command the people's respect ? — Is it not rather to be feared, 
that the time is not far distant, when an injured and indignant peo- 
ple will throw off all respect, and all subordination to men, who 
under the specious name of republican, would thus abuse their 
confidence and sport with their dearest rights. Why does the 
chief magistrate attempt to make a false impression on the public 
mind with respect to the event of the late war ? Why did he not 
in the frank and honest language of a real republican, tell the 
people that the defeat of the ruler of France had disappointed his 
hopes with respect to the powerful aid he expected to derive from 
that country, and that thereby the objects of the war had been de- 
feated and the country unhappily involved in difficulties and dis= 
tress, from which their virtue and patriotism alone could extri- 
cate them ? 

Can patriotism or sound policy, can the befit interfcr»tB of our 



country require, that the people should be deceived with respect 
to the object or tendency of measures, with respect to the impor- 
tant concerns which relate to the welfare of the country ? And hai> 
it become necessary, in order to secure the confidence of a wise 
and free people, to betray them into a belief that real injuries, 
that the most terrible national calamities are blessings in embryo, 
in which they should exult. Is this the policy which is to light 
our way to the millennial glories which Columbus saw in vision ? 

Whither, O my fellow-citizens, whither has fled that stern in- 
tegrity, that firm and disinterested patriotism, that once seemed 
to win a short lived popularity, at the expense of our immortal 
glory ? Is this the country in which republican virtue has claimed 
the triumphs of a*h immortal existence ? 

Yes, in this once happy country, destined by heaven, as we had 
fondly hoped, to illustrate the splendid achievements of her he- 
rocs, and the wisdom of her sages, in the examples of their sons, 
we have seen that duplicity, hypocrisy and intrigue, have consti- 
tuted the only effectual passports to preferment and to power i ! 

" itajfrizcd arc her sons, till they learn to Lctr;.y, 
Undistiuguish'd they live, it' they shame not their sires ; 
And the torch that would light them to dignity's way*, 
\Iust be caught from the pile where their country expum* 

The people in this country well know what were the pretended 
objects of the war ; and those who have read the late treaty of 
peace* between this country and Great Britain, know also that not 
one of those objects have been thereby obtained. And many of 
the electors who support the men in power, have even had the 
honest candor to acknowledge, that they could discover nothing 
out disaster in the event of the present war. 

But no sooner was the magic influence of Mr. Madison's mes- 
sage diffused among the people, than, this war of misery and dis- 
grace, is at once transformed into a national blessing 1 their optics 
are endued at once with new powers : the scales fall from their 
eyes, and they see advantages resulting from the war, of which be- 
fore they had no conceptions. 

There is not at this time a country on earth, however despotic, 

* For the benefit of those who have not read the late treaty, it is hereto 
annexed It is hoped the people will read and judge for themselves hov 
much cause of congratulation it contains. 



where rulers have a more absolute controul over the rights o£ 
the people, than in our own. ,. 

The popularity with which they have conducted the late war, 
renders it evident, that there are no evils which they may not in- 
flict upon the people with impunity. 

The federalists can neither controul nor change the councils of 
the nation, and the republicans with their present prejudices will 
not. Should Napoleon again reestablish himself in power, wo 
may well conclude his continental system would be revived, and 
we again involved in the vortex of his policy. 

With our present rulers at helm, our peace cannot be durable. 
By ihe late treaty nothing has been settled. The officers of the; 
late army arc urging their claims on the gratitude and patronage 
of the government ; and are dissatisfied with the late peace. A 
host of the unfortunate sufferers in the late war are also putting 
in their claims for pensions, and will doubtless, obtain them to ar.« 
enormous amount, which the people must pay : -and they are al- 
ready taxed to the extent of their abilities, and even beyond. 
But if you would duly estimate the result of the late war, if yo*j 
would know what we have lost by it, lay aside for a moment Mr 
Madison's message, and ask the thousands of weeping widows, 
and mothers who have been thereby left destitute and comfortless, 
to a merciless world : ask the thousands of orphan children who 
have been thereby deprived of their only protector and support: 
ask the miserable beings, mangled and maimed by wounds, and 
rendered useless to themselves and to the world, and who must 
either starve, or subsist on the scanty pittance of a pension ! go 
to the hospitals, those abodes of misery ; and ask the wretched 
beings who have been transferred thither from the field of battle, 
covered with blood and distorted with the agony of their wounds : 
ask them ; ask the poor fugitives who have been driven from their 
burning dwellings, and reduced in an hour, from a state of com- 
fortable competency, to want, and even beggary : and while you 
reflect on this miserable assemblage of suffering humanity, ascer- 
tain if you can, the millions of expense at which these evils have 
been purchased. Look then at the late treaty with Great Britain, 
and compare the end and object of the war, and its final event with 
the means which have been employed in its prosecution, and the 
policy which has led to it ; and if you will then give the sanction 
of v our approving voice to the political conduct of those who direct 



88 

the public concerns of our country, it may indeed be said, it wil! 
be said by an impartial world, tbat in the United States, political 
delusion is triumphant. This is at present our condition. Such 
scenes of suffering, so wantonly inflicted on a free, and generous 
people, were never before exhibited on earth ! 

What then can be done to save the republic ? Truth and argu- 
ment are our only means : with these the present policy, and the 
authors of it will be opposed by federalists while they have life and 
reason. If our republic must fall, as it certainly must, under such 
an administration as the present, and probably very soon ; " Let the 
federalists cling to it, while it has life in it, and even longer than 
there is hope. Let ihcm be auxiliary to its virtues ;" and if death 
must be its fate, let them strain every nerve, and exhaust the last 
power of intellect, and if necessary, surrender even life itself, that 
they may protract its dying nature, and from its expiring convul- 
sions snatch the spirit of liberty, and render its reign on earth im- 
mortal 



District of JVVw-KorA', ss. 

BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the seventh day of August, in the 
fortieth year of the in depend .nee of the United States of America, E. and 
E. HosFonn, of the said District, hath deposited in this office the title of a 
book, the right whereof Ihty claim as proprietors, in the words following, 

tO Wit : 

" The Crisis : on the origin and consequences of our political dissensions. 
To which is ann< xed, the late treaty between the United States and Great 
Britain. By a Citizen of "Vermont. 

In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled 
" An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the copi< 
Maps, Charts, and Bo authors and proprietors of such copies, 

• <;• the time therein mentioned" Ami also td an Act, entitled " ar\ 
Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement jrf 
Learning, by securing the copies <»t Maps, Charts, and Books to the au- 
thors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein r 
agtd exteuding the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving 
etching historical and other prints." 

TIIERON RUDD, 
of the Southern District of Ney>-Ytrrk 



JAMES MADISON, 

President of the United States 6 f America. 

To all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greStft 

WHEREAS a treaty of Peace and Amity between the 
United States of America, and his Britannic Majesty was signed at 
Ghent, on the 24th day of December, one thousand eight hundred 
and fourteen, by Plenipotentiaries respectively appointed for that 
purpose ; and the said Treaty having been by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate of the United States, duly accepted, rati- 
fied and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of February, one thou- 
sand eight hundred and fifteen, and ratified copies thereof having 
been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, which is 
in the words following to wit. 

TREATY OF PEACE AjVD AMITY, 

BETWEEN 

HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY 

and y ( 

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

His Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, desi- 
rous of terminating the war which has unhappily subsisted be- 
tween the two countries, and of restoring, upon principles of per- 
fect reciprocity, peace, friendship and good understanding, be- 
tween them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respective 
Plenipotentiaries, that is to say : His Britannic Majesty, on his 
part, has appointed the Right Honorable James Lord Gambiek, 
lute admiral of the white, now admiral of the red squadron of His 
Majesty's fleet, Henky Goulburn, Esquire, a Member of the 
Imperial Parliament and under Secretary of State, and William 
Adams, Esquire, Doctor of Civil Laws: — And the President of 
the United Slates, by and with the advice and consent of the Sen- 
ate thereof, has appointed John Quincy Adams James A. Bay- 
ard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russel, and Albert Gallatin, 
citizens of the United States, who, after a reciprocal communication 
of their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following ar 
tides : 

article the first. 

There shall be a firm and universal Peace between *His Britan- 
nic Majesty and the United States, and between their respective 
countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, 
without exception of places or persons. All hostilities, both by- 
sea and land, shall cease as soon as this Treaty shall have been ra- 
tified by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. All territory, 
places, and possessions, whatsoever, taken from either party, by 
the other, during the war, or which may be taken after the signing 

M 



oi tins Treaty, excepting only, the Islands hereinafter mentioned* 
shall be restored without delay, and without causing any destruc- 
tion, or carrying away any of the artillery or other public property 
originally captured in the said forts or places, and which shall re- 
main therein upon the exchange of the ratification of this Treaty, 
or any slaves or other private property. — And all archives, re- 
cords, deeds and papers, either of a public nature, or belonging to 
private persons which in the course of the war, may have fallen in- 
to the hands of the officers of either party, shall be as far as may 
be practicable, forthwith restored and delivered to the proper au- 
thorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such 
of the Islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy as are claimed by 
both parties shall remain in the possession of the -party in whose 
occupation they may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifi- 
cations of this treaty, until the decision respecting the title to the 
said islands shall have been made in conformity with the 4th arti 
cle of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such 
possession of the islands and territories claimed by both parties, 
shall in any manner whatever, be construed to affect the right d " 
cither. 

ARTICLE THE SECOND. 

Immediately after the ratification of this treaty by both parties- 
as herein mentioned orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons, 
officers, subjects and citizens, of the two powers to cease from all 
hostilities: And to prevent all cause of complaint which might arisc 
on account of the prizes which may be taken at sea after the said 
ratification of this treaty; it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels 
and effects which may be taken after the space of twelve days 
from the said ratifications upon all parts of the coast of North 
America, from the latitude of twenty-three degrees north, to the 
latitude of fifty degrees north, and as far eastward in the Atlan- 
tic ocean, as the thirty-sixth degree of west longitude from the 
meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side : That the 
time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the Atlantic ocean ; 
north of the equinoctial line or equator, and the same time for 
the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexico, and aH 
parts of the West-Indies : Forty days for the North Seas, for the 
Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean: Sixty days for the 
Atlantic ocean south of the equator as far as the latitude of the 
Cape of Good Hope : Ninety days for every part of the world 
soyth of the equator : And one hundred and twenty days for all 
other parts of the world, without exception. 

ARTICLE THE THIRD. 

All prisoners of war taken on either side, as well by land as by 
sea, shall be restored as soon as practicable after the ratification 



&1 

>< this treaty, as hereinafter mentioned, on their paying the d 
which they may have contracted during their captivity. — The two 
contracting parties respectively engage to discharge in specie, the 
advances which may have been made by the other for the sueti 
nance and maintenance of such prisoners. 

ARTICLE .THE FOURTH. 

Whereas, it was stipulated by the second article of the treat) 
of peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, be- 
tween his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, 
that the boundary of the United States should comprehend all 
islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of th.- 
United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from 
the points where the aforesaid boundaries, between Nova Scotia 
on the one part, and East Florida, on the other, shall respective- 
ly touch the Bay of Fundy, and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting 
such islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the li- 
mits of Nova Scotia ; and whereas, the several islands in the Bay 
of Passamaquoddy, which is part of the Bay of Fundy, and the 
island of Grand Menan, in the said Bay of Fundy, are claimed by 
the United States as being comprehended within their aforesaU: 
boundaries, which said islands are claimed as belonging to his 
Britannic Majesty, as having been at the time of, and previous 
to, the aforesaid treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eigh- 
ty-three, within the limits of the province of Nova Scotia. — In 
order, therefore, finally to decide upon these claims,, it is agreed 
that they shall be referred to two commissioners, to be appointed 
in the following manner, viz: One commissioner shall be ap- 
pointed by his Britannic Majesty, and one by the President of the 
United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate 
thereof, and the said two commissioners, so appointed, shall be 
sworn, impartially to examine and decide upon the said claims 
according to such evidence as shall be laid before them on the 
part of his Britannic Majesty and of the United States respec. 
lively. The said commissioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in 
the province of New-Brunswick, and shall have power to adjourn 
to such other place or places as they shall think lit. The said 
Commissioners shall, by a declaration or report, under thei: 
hands and seals, decide to which of the two contracting parties 
the several islands aforesaid do respectively belong in conformity 
with the true intent of the said treaty of peace of one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-three. And if the said commissioners 
shall agree in their decision, both parties shall consider such de- 
cision as final and conclusive. It is farther agreed, that in the 
event of the two commissioners differing upon all or any of the 
matters so referred to them, or in the event of both or cither o: 
the said commissioners refusing: or dclininj?, or wilfully 



J2 

ting to act as such, they shail make jointly or separately, a report, 
or reports, as well fb the government of his Britannic Ma jest'. 
to that of the United States, stating in detail the points on which 
they differ, and the grounds upon which, their respective opinions 
Lave been formed, or tho grounds on which they, or either of 

them, have so refused, declined: or omitted to act And His 

Britannic Majesty, and the Government of the United Slates, 
hereby agree to refer the report, or reports, of the said commis- 
sioners, to some friendly sovereign or state, to be then named foi 
that purpose, and who shall be requested to decide on the differ- 
ences which may be stated in the said report or reports, or then 
the report of one commissioner together with the grounds upon 
"which the other commissioner shall have refused, declined, o: 
omitted to act, as the case may be. And if the commissioner so 
refusing, declining, or omitting to act, shall also wilfully oinii 
to slate the grounds upon which he has so done, in such manner 
that the said statement may be referred td such friendly sovereign 
or state together with the report of such other commissioner, 
then such sovereign or state shall decide ex-part upon the said 
report alone. And his Britannic Majesty and the Government of 
the United States, engage to consider the decision of some friend- 
ly sovereign or state to be such and conclusive on all the matters 
so referred. 

ARTICLE THE FIFTH. 

"Whereas neither that point of the high lands lying clue north 
from the source of the river St. Croix, and designated in the for- 
mer treaty of peace between the two powers as the north-west 
angle of Nova Scotia, now the north-westernmost head of Con- 
necticut river, has not yet been ascertained ; and whereas that 
part of tnc boundary line between the dominion of tue two pow- 
ers, which extends from the source of the river St. Croix di- 
rectly north to the abovementioned north-west ani^le of Nova Sco- 
tia, thenee along the said highlands which divide those rivers 
which empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those 
which fall into the Atlantic ocean to the north-weslcrmost head 
of Connecticut river, thence down along the middle of that river 
to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude ; thence by a line due 
west on said latitude until it strikes the river Iroquois or Cat'ara- 
guy, lias not yet been surveyed ; it is agreed that for these seve- 
ral purposes, two commissioners shall be appointed, sworn, and 
authorised, to act exactly in the maimer directed with respect to 
those mentioned in the next preceding article, unless otherwise 
specified in the present article. The said commissioners shall 
meet at St. Andrews in the province of New Brunswick, and 
rhall have power to adjourn to such other place as they snail 
think fit. The said commissioners shall have power to aseeiuin 
determine the points abovementioned, in conformity with the 



j revisions of the said treaty of peace of one thousand se 
died and eighty-three, and shall cause the boundary afor< 
from tliC source of the river St. Croix to the river Iroquois or 
Calaraguy, to be surveyed and marked according to the said pro- 
visions. The said commissioners shall make a map of the suid 
boundary, and annex to h a declaration under their hands and 
seals, certifying it to be the true map of the said boundaiy, and 
particularizing the latitude and longitude of the northwest angle 
of Nova Scotia, of the north westernmost head of Connecticut 
rivei, and of such other points of the said boundary as they may 
deem proper. And both parties agree to consider such map and 
declaration as finally and conclusively fixing the said boundary. 
And in the event of the said two commissioners differing, or both 
or either of them, refusing or declining, or wilfully emitting to 
act, such reports, declarations, or statements, shall be made by 
them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sove- 
reign or state, shall be made, in a!! respects as in the Utter part 
of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a manner as if the 
same was herein repeated. 

ARTICLE THE SIXTH. • 

Whereas by the former treaty of pence, that portion of the 
boundary of the United States from the point where the forty-fifth 
degree of north latitude strikes the river Iroquois or Caiaraguy. 
to the Lake Superior, was declared to be « along the middle of 
said river into Lake Ontario, through the middle of said lake, 
until it strikes the communication by water between that lake and 
Lake Erie, thence along the middle ot said communication into 
Lake Erie, through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the 
water communication into the L .ke Huron, thence through the 
middle of said lake to the water communication between that lake 
and Lake Superior." And whereas, doubts have arisen what wa; 
the middle of said river, lakes anu water communications, and 
■whether certain islands lying in the same, were within the domi- 
nions of his Britannic Majesty or of the United States: In order, 
therefore, finally to deckle these doubts, they shall be referred 
to two commissioners, to be appointed, sworn, and authorised to 
act exactly in the manner directed with respect to those mention- 
ed in the next preceding article, urdess otherwise specified in this 
present article. The said commissioners shall meet in the first 
instance, at Albany, in the State of New- York, and shall have 
power to adjourn to such other place or places, us they shall think 
fit: the said commissioners shall by a report or declaration, un- 
der their hands and seals, designate the boundary through the 
said river, lakes, and water communications, and decide to which 
of the two contracting parties the several islands lying within the 
aid river, lakes and water communications, do respectively be- 



94 

kmg, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty ol one 
thousand seven hundred and eighty-three. And both parties 
agree to consider such designation and decisions as iinal and con- 
clusive. And in the event of the said two commissioners differ- 
ing, or both, or either of them, refusing, declining, or wilfully 
omitting to act, such reports, declarations or statements, shall 
be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a 
friendly sovereign or state shall be made in all respects as in the. 
latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a man- 
ner as if the same was herein repeated. 

ARTICLE THE SEVENTH. 

It is further agreed that the said two last mentioned commis- 
sioners, after they shall have executed the duties assigned to them 
in the preceding article, shall, be, and they are hereby authorized, 
"upon their oaths, impartially to fix and determine, according to 
the true intent of the said Treaty of Peace, of one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-three, that part of the boundary between the 
dominions of the two powers, which extends from the water com* 
munication between Lake Huron and Lake Superior, to the most 
north-western point of the Lake of the Woods, to decide to v/hich 
pf the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, water 
communications, and rivers, forming the said boundary, do re- 
spectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said 
Treaty of Peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
three ; and to cause such parts of the said boundary, as require 
it, to be surveyed and marked. The said commissioners shall, 
by a report or declaration under their hands and seals, designate 
the boundary aforesaid, state their decision on the points thus re- 
ferred to them, and particularize the latitude and longitude of the 
most north-western point of the Lake of the Woods, of such other 
part of the said boundary as they may deem proper. And both 
parties agree to consider such designation and decision as final 
and conclusive. And, in the event of the said two commissioners 
differing, or both, or either of them refusing, declining, or wilful- 
ly omitting to act, such reports, declarations, or statements, shall 
be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a 
friendly sovereign or state, shall be made in all respects, as in the 
latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a man- 
ner as if the same was herein repeated. 

ARTICLE THE EIGHTH. 

The several boards of two commissioners mentioned in the four 
preceding articles, shall respectively have power to appoint a se- 
cretary, and to employ such surveyors or other persons as they 
shall judge necessary. Duplicates of all their respective reports, 
declarations, statements and decisions, and of their accounts, and 
olthe journal of their proceedings shall Redelivered by them t« 



the agents of his Britannic majesty, and to the agents of the Uni- 
ted States, who may be respectively appointed and authorized to 
manage the business on behalf of their respective governments. 
The said commissioners shall be respectively paid in such man- 
ner as shall be agreed between the two contracting parties, such 
agreement being to be settled at the time of the exchange of the 
ratifications of the treaty. And all other expenses attending the 
said commissioners shall be defrayed equally by the two parties. 
And in the case of death, sickness, resignation or necessary ab- 
sence, the place of every such commissioner respectively shall be 
supplied in the same manner as such commissioner was first ap- 
pointed, and the new commissioner shall take the same oath or 
affirmation, and do the same duties. It is further agreed between 
the two contracting parties, that in case any of the islands men- 
tioned in any of the preceding articles, which were in the pos- 
session of one of the parties prior to the commencement-of the 
present war between the two countries, should, by the decision 
of any of the boards of commissioners aforesaid, or of the sove- 
reign or state so referred to, as in the four next preceding articles 
contained, fall within the dominions of the other party, all grants 
of land made previous to the commencement of Use war by the 
party having had such possession, shall be as valid as if such isJanf; 
or islands, had by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to be 
within the dominions of the party having such possession. 

ARTICLE THE NINTH. 

The United States of America engage to put an end Imme- 
diately after the ratification of the present treaty to hostilities 
'pth all the tribes or nations of Indians, with whom they cnay be 
at war at the time of such ratification ; and forthwith to restore to 
such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights, 
and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in 
one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to such hostili- 
ties : Provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agr ee to 
desist from ali hostilities against the United States of America.,, 
their citizens and subjects, upon the ratification of the present 
treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so d e'sist 
accordingly. And his Britannic Majesty engages, on his pal t, to 
put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, 
to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians with w horn 
he may be at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to 
restore to such tribes or nations respectively, all the possessions, 
rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been enti- 
tled to, in one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previou s to 
such hostilities : Provided always, that such tribes or nat ions 
shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic Ma- 
jesty, and his subjects, upon the ratification of the present t* eaty 
being notified to such tribe? or nations, and shall so desist ace ord- 
ingly. 



vlv l'lCLE T1*E I EK ( n 

Whereas the traffic in slaves is irrecorcilcabic with the princi- 
ples of humanity and justice, and whereas both his Majesty and 
the United States arc desirous of continuing their efforts to pro- 
mote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the con- 
tracing parties shall use their best endeavours to accomplish so 
desirable an object. 

ARTICLE THE ELEVENTH. 

This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified on both 
tildes, without alteration by either of the contracting parties, and 
tthe ratifications mutually exchanged, shall be binding on both par- 
ities, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington, in 
Uhe space of four months from this clay or sooner if practicable. 
In faith whereof, we the respective Plenipotentiaries have 

signed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed our seals. 
Done, in triplicate, at Ghent, the. twenty-fourth day of De- 
cember, one thousand eight hundred. and fourteen. 
(l. s.) GAMB1ER, 

(l. s.) HENRY GOULBURN, 

(l s.) WILLIAM ADAMS, 

(l. s.) JOHN QUIN'Y ADAMS, 

(l. s.) J. A. BAYARD, 

(l.s) H. CLAY, 

(l s.) JON A. RUSSKLL. 

(l. s.) ALBERT GALLXTIN, 

jNo ' w, therefore, to the end that the said Treaty of Peace m<\ 
Amiliy maybe observed with good Faith, on the pat't of the United 
Statojs, I, James Madison, President as aforesaid, have cause:/ die 
premises to be made public ; and 1 do Hereby enjoin all persons 
bearing office, civil or military, within the United States* and all 
bthei citizens and inhabitants thereof, or being vfithih the same, 
iaithf ally to observe and fulfil the said treaty and every clause and 
article thereof. 

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United 
•:'se4, l) States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the 
same with my hand. 
Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of Fe 
bruary, in 'he year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and fifteen, and of the sovereignty and indepen 
dence of the United States the thirty-ninth. 

JAMES MADI^ 
? the President, 

JAMES MONROE, 
Acting User c:'£r a 






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